Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Ribeiro Jansen Ferreira.pdf: 879974 bytes, checksum: 4457704e62d31e82d8ec49c86fc76484 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-10-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The aim of this study is to analyze how the financial supremacy modified the way that the State acts in the Brazilian economy. With this purpose, initially is characterize the financial supremacy and understood how this is part of the own logic of the capital, using the Marxist concept, in which the financial capital is the most perfect form of the capital, apparently with the financial capital disengaged in relation with the productivity range. This way, the financial supremacy can be characterize by the own necessity of capital reproduction, that after strong accumulation in the decades of 60´s and 70´s demands new ways to reproduce itself. This stimulated a growing diversification of financial instruments, the emerging of new agents with the ability of concentrate capital, deregulation, liberalisation, and changes in the financial intermediation on the markets, besides the financial and commercial globalization. The Latin- American countries became part of this movement through the reception of capital flows, that were sent toward those countries considering the excess of international liquidity and the own necessity of reproduction of the capital, and form a huge public debt. This phase of capitalism produced deep changes in the National States action and in Latin America that was felt through the adoption of the neo-liberalism. In Brazil, those changes occurred together with the crises of the State that previously had a very strong participation in the economy and that could not deal with the priorities of the elite that were now align with the movements of the national and international financial capital. This way, it is analyze the adoption of the neoliberalism and the measures that came together with it as privatization, financial and commercial opening and the used of liberal economic policies. The financial supremacy of the economy deeply changed the State intervention previously more attached with productive gains and that now stand back from the direct intervention in the economic growth. Those changes can be clearly seen through the evolution of the State budget execution that previously spend a lot in investments and in activities connect with the national development, as in industry, services and commerce, energy, transport and during the 90´s and 00´s reduced the expenses on those and increase the expenses attached with the financial market, as the payment of interest and redemption of the public debt. Analyzing the budget execution through charges group or functions shows this same shift. This way, the financial supremacy guide on the beginning of this XXI century the priorities on expense and all sort of policies made by the Brazilian National State / Esse trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como a financeirização modificou a inserção do Estado brasileiro na economia. Com este intuito, busca-se primeiramente caracterizar a financeirização e compreender como esta faz parte da própria lógica do capital partindo da concepção marxista na qual o capital portador de juros se posta como a forma mais bem acabada do capital, com aparente desprendimento do capital financeiro com relação à esfera produtiva. Assim, a financeirização caracterizar-se-ia pela própria necessidade de reprodução do capital, que após forte acúmulo nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, demanda novas formas de reprodução. Isto impulsiona a crescente diversificação dos instrumentos financeiros, o surgimento de novos agentes capazes de concentrar capital, desregulamentação e desintermediação dos mercados, além da globalização financeira e comercial. Os países latino-americanos foram inseridos nesse movimento por meio do fluxo de capitais fornecidos justamente pela excessiva liquidez internacional à época e pela necessidade de reprodução desse capital e que gerou um forte endividamento público. Esta fase do capitalismo gerou profundas mudanças na forma de atuação dos Estados Nacionais, o que se fez sentir nos países latino-americanos por meio da adoção do neoliberalismo . No Brasil tal movimento ocorreu em meio à crise do Estado desenvolvimentista, que não poderia mais abarcar os interesses da classe dominante. Estes agora estão organizados em torno dos ganhos financeiros nacionais e mundiais. Assim, analisa-se a adoção do neoliberalismo e as medidas adotadas, tais como a abertura financeira e comercial, além da privatização e da adoção de políticas econômicas liberais todas as transformações criavam mecanismos para reprodução do capital financeiro. A financeirização da economia modificou plenamente a atuação do Estado, antes desenvolvimentista e atrelado a ganhos produtivos, que se afastou da intervenção direta no crescimento econômico. Tais mudanças tornam-se claras quando se analisa a evolução da execução orçamentária do Estado, que antes mostrava grandes gastos em investimento e em funções ligadas ao desenvolvimento tais como indústria, comércio e serviços, energia, transportes e ao longo das décadas de 1990 e 2000 vai paulatinamente reduzindo o dispêndio nesses e eleva os gastos atrelados ao setor financeiro, com pagamento de juros e amortização da dívida pública. Tanto a análise por meio dos grupos de despesa quanto por função mostram esse mesmo resultado. Tem-se, então, que a financeirização pauta nesse início de século XXI as prioridades nos gastos e em toda sorte de ações realizadas pelo Estado Nacional brasileiro

Dissertação voltada à investigação do debate doutrinário acerca do princípio da supremacia do interesse público sobre o particular no direito administrativo brasileiro. Busca identificar pontos de convergência entre as teses doutrinárias brasileiras que discutem este princípio para então, a partir de tais pontos, verificar a existência de algum substrato teórico evolutivo decorrente dos consensos identificados. Examina o debate mencionado através do estabelecimento de três dimensões de análise: a primeira, investigando as divergências teóricas que dizem respeito à noção jurídica de interesse público; a segunda, investigando as divergências teóricas que problematizam o caráter principiológico da supremacia do interesse público sobre o particular; e a terceira, investigando as divergências teóricas existentes quanto à centralidade do princípio da supremacia do interesse público sobre o particular no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro em potencial situação de compatibilidade ou incompatibilidade com o princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana e, consequentemente, com os direitos fundamentais do homem e com a teleologia democrática, promanada da constituição federal de 1988. Precede a mencionada investigação, sem embargo, alguns apontamentos acerca de questões correlatas ao debate, sobretudo, a importância do papel desempenhado pela doutrina administrativista tanto no processo evolutivo do princípio da supremacia do interesse público sobre o particular quanto no desenvolvimento histórico do direito administrativo brasileiro como um todo. / The present dissertation aims at investigating the doutrinary debate about the principle of supremacy of the public over private interest concerning Brazilian administrative law. The study focuses on identifying points of convergence within Brazilian doutrinary theses that discuss this principle to then from those points on verify the existence of any theoretical evolutionary substrate emerging from the consensus identified. It examines the above-mentioned debate by establishing three dimensions of analysis: the first, investigating the theoretical divergences regarding the juridical concept of public interest; the second, investigating the theoretical divergences that problematize the law principle character of the supremacy of the public over private interest; and the third, investigating the theoretical divergences within the centrality of the principle of supremacy of the public over private interest concerning the Brazilian juridical system in potential situation of compatibility or incompatibility with the principle of dignity of the human being and, consequently, with the fundamental human rights and with the democratic teleology, which arises from the federal constitution of 1988. However, a few issues regarding questions related to the debate precede the above-mentioned investigation, especially the importance of the role of administrative doctrine not only in the evolutionary process of the principle of supremacy of the public over private interest but also in the historical development of Brazilian administrative law as a whole.

Submitted by William Justo Figueiro (williamjf) on 2015-07-07T22:15:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 11a.pdf: 1353516 bytes, checksum: 72e83f6fa12f5fba8f79da1caf939f61 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-07T22:15:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 11a.pdf: 1353516 bytes, checksum: 72e83f6fa12f5fba8f79da1caf939f61 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Nenhuma / Em 21 de outubro de 2008, a Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB) protocolou no Supremo Tribunal Federal uma Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental (ADPF 153), na qual questionava a interpretação consolidada do artigo 1º do parágrafo 1º da Lei de Anistia nº 6.683, de 28 de agosto de 1979. Na interpretação que se questiona, a anistia caracteriza-se por ser recíproca, estando anistiados, portanto, também, os representantes do Estado brasileiro que cometeram crimes de tortura, morte e desaparecimento de pessoas durante o período da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985). O desfecho da ADPF 153 deu-se à 28 e 29 de abril de 2010, com a votação em plenário, na qual sete ministros do Supremo votaram contra, e dois a favor da proposição da OAB, ficando a lei de 1979 inalterada para os efeitos requeridos, principalmente a possibilidade de julgamento dos crimes perpetrados durante o regime de exceção. Nesta pesquisa, contemplamos a ADPF 153, centrando-se de uma análise histórica, a partir das manifestações dos seus envolvidos. O julgamento demonstrou que nele interagiram não apenas questões jurídicas, mas que o passado histórico era objeto constante de debate, principalmente nos votos dos ministros que indeferiram a ação. A tentativa da OAB, ao propor a reinterpretação da Lei de Anistia à luz dos preceitos constitucionais vigentes, é requerer a persecução penal dos agentes públicos que tenham cometido crimes de tortura, morte e desaparecimento durante o regime ditatorial. Esta tentativa, no entanto, encontrou uma disputa sobre o passado muito marcante durante o julgamento da Arguição. A maior parte das manifestações utilizou-se de argumentações de caráter histórico, levando constantemente os envolvidos a apropriações e disputas pela memória do passado, em um processo no qual as dimensões do âmbito jurídico, do social, do político e do histórico entram em confluência. / In 2008, the Lawyers Association of Brazil (LAB) filed in the Supreme Federal Bound Tribunal (SFBT) an Argumentation of Noncompliance of Fundamental Precept (ANFP 153), in which it was questioned the consolidated interpretation of the 1st article of the1st paragraph of the Amnesty Law number 6.683, from August 28th, 1979. In that, the amnesty is defined to be reciprocal, being amnestied, in this way, also, the representatives of the Brazilian State who committed crimes of torture, death and people disappearance during the Military Dictatorship period (1964-1985). The denouement of the ANFP 153 happened on April 28th and 29th, 2010, with the voting in plenary, of the LAB proposition, in which seven ministers voted against the filed action, and two of them voted in favor of it – making the law of 1979 unchanged for the required effects – among them, the possibility of judgment of the perpetrated crimes during the exception regime. In this research, we behold the ADF 153, bringing into focus the historical analysis, starting with those who were involved on the manifestations. The judgment demonstrates that it does not interact only with Juridical questions, but the historical past was a constantly object to debate. Mainly, in Ministers’ votes that rejected the action. The attempt of OAB, while proposing the reinterpretation of the Annesty Law based on the effectives ones, was requesting the penal executions for those who committed the torture, death and disappearances crimes during the Military Dictatorship Period. Otherwise this attempt found a remarkable past contest during the arguments judgment. T\he most manifestations were used historical reasons. Constantly leading people involved to appropriation and fights around past memory, in a process which juridical, social, politics and historical matter’s scopes gets in confluence.

For decades, scholars have debated the significance of the Works Progress Administration (WPA), emphasizing its political, economic, and artistic impact. This historiography is dominated by the accomplishments of white men. In an effort to highlight the long-neglected legions of black women who contributed to WPA projects and navigated the agency’s discriminatory practices, this paper will examine WPA operations in New Orleans where unemployment was the highest in the urban south, black women completed numerous large-scale projects, and white supremacist notions guided relief protocol. By analyzing the New Orleans WPA Photography collection, along with newspapers, government documents, and oral histories, a new perspective of the WPA emerges to illuminate the experiences of marginalized black women workers, illustrate how the legacies of slavery and effects of segregation impact black women’s employment opportunities, and highlight how black women made substantive contributions to public projects in the face of societal constraints.

The purpose of this paper is to present a possible understanding of why the company Tekola is segregated according to sex. In accordance to this purpose, an understanding of how the segregation affects the employees in relation to power, values and possibilities is discussed. The theoretical understanding is that the organization of men and women within Tekola is done in close connection to creation of the meaning of gender in Tekola. This, in turn, affects and is affected by the recruitment to and within the company. Through the study of statistics from a survey, five interviews with employees and former employees and Tekolas’ equality plan, we are able to see the possible existence of a glass ceiling, and a culture of homosociality, which affects the possibilities of women to enter the company and also to gain full entrance to power-positions in a negative way. There is also a possibility that sexual harassment exists in Tekola. There is a clear feminization of one of the departments, a phenomenon that affects acts directed at and around that department. Also, we are able to see that there is a gap between the actual segregation between men and women in Tekola, and the employees’ perception of their possibilities. / Syftet med denna undersökning är att presentera en möjlig förståelse av varför företaget Tekola är könssegregerat. I linje med detta skapas även en förståelse av vad könssegregeringen betyder för medarbetarna i företaget i relation till makt, värderingar och möjligheter. Utgångspunkten för förståelsen av företagets organisering av kön är att könssegregeringen hänger samman med hur kön skapas i företaget, samt att detta påverkar och har samband med den interna och externa rekryteringen av män och kvinnor. Materialet som studeras består av statistik som skapats genom bearbetning av en enkätundersökning på företaget, fem djupintervjuer med anställda och före detta anställda samt Tekolas jämställdhetsplan. Analysen av materialet visar bland annat tendenser till förekomsten av ett glastak och en homosocial kultur vilket negativt påverkar kvinnors möjligheter att ta sig in på företaget samt att avancera. Det förekommer även troligtvis könsmässiga trakasserier. Samtidigt sker en tydlig märkning av en avdelning som kvinnlig, vilket påverkar olika handlingar riktade mot och kring denna avdelning. Det verkar även ha skapats en förståelse av att alla har samma möjligheter, något som motsägs av hur könsfördelningen faktiskt ser ut.

This thesis is an examination of how white women in interracial relationships and/or white mothers of biracial children understand race. Through interviews with six self-identified white women who have black-white biracial children, I seek to understand what role racism plays in their lives and whether these women have a heightened consciousness about race as a result of being in an interracial family. Using their narratives and a spatial framework, I explore the concept of white supremacy, whiteness and blackness, representations of white femininity and black masculinity in the media, and how white women in interracial relationships cross the colourline in their everyday lives. I suggest that white women learn about colourlined spaces in public, but that they also learn about blackness and teach their biracial children about antiracism in private spaces. Overall, white women need to negotiate rules and norms within racial hierarchies in order to navigate white supremacy.

This thesis is an examination of how white women in interracial relationships and/or white mothers of biracial children understand race. Through interviews with six self-identified white women who have black-white biracial children, I seek to understand what role racism plays in their lives and whether these women have a heightened consciousness about race as a result of being in an interracial family. Using their narratives and a spatial framework, I explore the concept of white supremacy, whiteness and blackness, representations of white femininity and black masculinity in the media, and how white women in interracial relationships cross the colourline in their everyday lives. I suggest that white women learn about colourlined spaces in public, but that they also learn about blackness and teach their biracial children about antiracism in private spaces. Overall, white women need to negotiate rules and norms within racial hierarchies in order to navigate white supremacy.

Zugl.: Frankfurt am Main, Univ., Diss. / Originally presented as the author's thesis (doctoral)--Universität Frankfurt am Main. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Les institutions internationales ont à la suite de la 2ème guerre mondiale créé un corpus de droits reliés à l’essence de la condition humaine qui sont aussi intuitifs que difficiles à systématiser. Cette émergence se trouve à l’origine de la relation étroite entre le droit international et un noyau intangible de valeurs considérées comme universelles, érigé à la lumière de constructions philosophiques et juridiques du concept d’humanité jusqu’au moment où elles sont saisies par le droit international coutumier et conventionnel dans une logique de protection. Cette protection relève, d’un côté, du droit international pénal à partir notamment de l’édification des concepts de crime contre l’humanité et de génocide ayant comme corolaire également la définition du concept de graves violations et, de l’autre côté, du droit international des droits de l’Homme, en ce qu’il s’est occupé de la sauvegarde de l’individu en tant qu’être à la fois singulier et collectif, mais aussi des droits essentiels à la préservation de sa condition humaine. Le problème majeur qui se pose est celui des difficiles interactions entre le droit international et le droit national, combiné à l’héritage des paradigmes du droit international classique, ce qui nous amène à répondre à la question du comportement des États quand le droit international a pour objet la préservation de ce noyau dur des valeurs humaines. Dans la présente thèse, nous cherchons donc à démontrer que la protection tissée notamment sur la base des prohibitions apporte au droit international une position de suprématie liée à son caractère de jus cogens, de manière à imposer des devoirs non seulement aux États mais aussi aux individus. / Because of World War II, international institutions have created a set of rights related to the essence of the human condition that are as intuitive as to systematize. The close relationship between international law and the protection of intangible values of the human community as a whole has its sources from this emergence. Indeed, these values were identified in the light of philosophical and legal constructions about the concept of humanity until the moment when it became protected by the customary and conventional international law. On the one hand, this protection came from the international criminal law and its enlightenment about the conception of crime against humanity and genocide, in a manner that it enabled the identification of the meaning of serious violations. On the other hand, this protection came likewise from international human rights law, in which it took care to safeguard the individual either as a singular and collective human being, as well as of the fundamental rights to the preservation of its human condition. The hardest problem that is presented here is about the difficult interactions between international law and national law. This problem is aggravated by the heritage left by the classic international law paradigms, which leads us to seek the answer concerning how the States react or how States must react when international law aims to safeguard these core human values. In this thesis, we seek to demonstrate that the protection exercised, especially on the basis of prohibitions, places international law in a position of supremacy linked to its character of jus cogens, in order to impose obligations over both States and individuals.

A investigação proposta no trabalho foi estimulada pela reduzida preocupação doutrinária e jurisprudencial em compreender o efetivo papel e o atual significado do “interesse público” no âmbito do Direito Administrativo Brasileiro, dúplice escopo do presente estudo. Estabelece-se, em um primeiro momento, breve análise dos fundamentos político-normativos que legitimam a atuação dos agentes públicos, reforçando a relevância das normas jurídicas produzidas por autoridades democraticamente investidas na construção das finalidades estatais que acabam por configurar o interesse público em perspectiva constitucional ou política. Como decorrência, aborda-se a necessária vinculação da atuação administrativa à lei e ao Direito no âmbito do Estado Democrático, condição imposta pelo princípio da legalidade para que a Administração Pública tenha sua atuação delimitada juridicamente, o que indica que no processo de concreção do interesse público (passando para uma perspectiva administrativa ou jurídica do conceito) a função da autoridade pública é integrativa, condicionada à concessão de certa margem de liberdade pelas normas jurídicas, por meio do emprego de conceitos indeterminados ou mediante asseguramento de discricionariedade. O trabalho ocupa-se, ainda, em ressaltar que o Direito Administrativo teve sua origem na busca pela regulação do conflito dialético entre as prerrogativas assecuratórias do exercício da autoridade estatal e as garantias de liberdade e direitos individuais dos cidadãos, o que acaba levando à abordagem do aventado caráter “supremo” do interesse público e sua contraposição aos interesses privados. Dessa forma, é feita a interpretação do polêmico “princípio da supremacia do interesse público sobre o interesse privado” em conformidade com a Constituição Federal de 1988, de modo a evidenciar que a função dessa norma-princípio acabou sendo incorporada na ordem constitucional atual por meio dos princípios apresentados no caput do art. 37, especialmente da legalidade e da impessoalidade, os quais atuam como parâmetros para o controle jurisidicional do interesse público, já que condicionam a atividade administrativa ao respeito dos limites formais impostos pela regra de competêcia (legalidade na forma da reserva legal) e à observância da espécie e grau de interesse público incorporado na previsão legal, evitando-se um possível desvio de finalidade (impessoalidade) no agir dos agentes da Administração Pública, imbricação que, inclusive, vem reconhecida no direito positivo pátrio, conforme se constata na redação dos arts. 1º e 2º da Lei nº 9.784/99. / The research was stimulated by the reduced concern of doctrine and jurisprudence in understanding the actual role and the current meaning of "public interest" under the Brazilian Administrative Law, wich is the twofold scope of this study. It’s established, at first, a brief analysis of the political-normative elements that legitimize the actions of public servants, reinforcing the relevance of the legal standards produced by democratically invested authorities on the State’s purposes definition that shapes the public interest in constitutional or political perspective. In consequence, it’s analized the necessary linkage of administrative action to the rules and the Law in a Democratic State, condition imposed by the principle of legality to juridically limitate Public Administration’s activities, indicating that the fuction of administrative staff in the concretion of public interest (in administrative or legal perspective) is posterior and integrative, especially in situations wich the rules allows a certain margin of freedom, like when there is an indeterminate concept to interpretate or the administrative discretion needs to be use. The dissertation seeks, furthermore, to emphasize that the Administrative Law had its origin by searching for the regulation to pacify the dialectical conflict between the prerogatives that ensure the authority’s exercise and the guarantees of freedom and individual rights, imposing the analisis of the alleged “supreme” character of the public interest and its opposition to private interests. So, it’s enphasized the controversial “principle of the supremacy of public interest over private interest” and its normative interpretation under the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 in order to show that the function of this principle was incorporated in the current constitutional order through the principles presented in the chapeau of article 37, specially the legality and impersonality, which act as parameters for the public interest’s judicial review, since they affect the administrative activities to respect the formal limits imposed by the rule that delegates power (legality in the legal reserve form) and the observance of the kind and degree of public interest incorporated into the legal provision, avoiding a possible deviation of objective (impersonality), overlapping that comes recognized in national positive law, as noted in articles 1 and 2 of Brazilian Statute Law n 9.784/99.