No description available.

A modulação temporal de efeitos como técnica de decisão possibilita ao Supremo Tribunal Federal a mitigação dos efeitos retroativos da declaração de inconstitucionalidade, ao mesmo tempo em que resguarda o princípio da supremacia da Constituição. Nos casos em que há mudança de jurisprudência, atua como importante mecanismo de salvaguarda das legítimas expectativas dos jurisdicionados na estabilidade dos julgados do Tribunal Constitucional. Em ambas as hipóteses, concretiza o princípio da segurança jurídica, inclusive na sua vertente subjetiva, a proteção da confiança legítima e assegura a melhor realização dos interesses públicos, próprios de uma sociedade pluralista. / The prospective doctrine as a decision technique makes possible the mitigation of the retroactive effects of the unconstitutionality declaration to the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court, at the same time it protects the Constitution supremacy principle. In cases with statement of overruling precedents, it plays an important role in protecting the legitimate expectations of the citizens in the stability of the Constitutional Court precedents. In both cases, it enforces the principle of legal certainty, including its subjective aspect, the legitimate confidence protection and it assures the best fulfilment of the public interests that are typical of a pluralist society.

A predominância do Poder Executivo no contexto atual da separação de poderes, especialmente nos países que adotam o sistema presidencialista de governo, tem, entre suas causas fundamentais, a detenção da titularidade da gestão financeira e orçamentária do Estado pelo Chefe do Poder Executivo. Ademais, além das competências inerentes ao exercício de suas atribuições intrínsecas, o sistema jurídico confere uma série de instrumentos de flexibilidade que permitem ao Executivo, durante a fase de execução orçamentária, deixar de dar cumprimento efetivo ao orçamento público na forma como aprovado pelo Poder Legislativo. A par dos instrumentos de flexibilidade, existem outros mecanismos de que se vale o Chefe do Poder Executivo para alcançar um maior domínio no quadro da gestão financeira, mecanismos estes que, embora abarcados pelo sistema jurídico, são, no mais das vezes, utilizados de forma desvirtuada em relação às suas reais finalidades. Ainda, a despeito da vasta competência constitucional atribuída ao Poder Executivo, verifica-se um quadro de recuo do Poder Legislativo no exercício de suas funções, como ao conferir autorizações antecipadas para a prática de determinadas medidas de gestão, aliado à aquiescência diante dos abusos perpetrados pelo Poder Executivo. Contribui, ainda, de forma decisiva para a predominância do Poder Executivo, algumas práticas inerentes ao chamado presidencialismo de coalizão, que permitem ao Executivo negociar o apoio dos membros do Legislativo a medidas de seu interesse, em troca da liberação de recursos para a consecução de emendas parlamentares, e da nomeação para cargos públicos. Diante do quadro hoje delineado, que aponta para o domínio do Poder Executivo e a supremacia de seus interesses, urge a necessidade de adoção de medidas que visam recompor o equilíbrio entre os Poderes do Estado. Assim, além de expor a problemática existente, por meio da análise histórico-evolutiva das competências orçamentárias, e do papel desempenhado por cada um dos Poderes na sistemática orçamentária atual, abordando, em especial, os instrumentos de flexibilidade conferidos ao Executivo e os instrumentos de controle a cargo do Legislativo, o presente estudo aborda algumas propostas, já em tramitação, visando a alteração da sistemática orçamentária, entre as quais toma relevo a instituição do chamado orçamento impositivo, em substituição ao caráter autorizativo que hoje o reveste. Ainda, o estudo propõe medidas que visam refrear o avanço das competências executivas, utilizando como parâmetro algumas experiências trazidas de outros ordenamentos jurídicos, tendo em vista que as distorções verificadas não constituem uma realidade exclusiva do quadro político nacional. / The supremacy of Executive in the present context of the division of powers, specially in the countries which adopt the presidential government system, has, among its basic causes, the ownership of the attribution of the financial and budgetary administration of the State by the Executive Head. Furthermore, besides the competencies inherent to the term of its intrinsic attributions, the legal system gives a series of flexibility instruments that allows the Executive, during the budget execution phase, not effectively accomplish the public budget as it was approved by the Legislative. Knowing the flexibility instruments, there are others mechanisms used by the Head of the Executive to reach a bigger domain in the financial management scene, these mechanisms that, although embraced by the juridical system, are, mostly used in a distorted way related to its real purpose. Despite of the ample constitutional competency imputed to the Executive, we can find a backward picture of the Legislative performing its functions, as well as to give advanced authorizations to the performance of certain manage practices, allied to the compliance facing the fallacy committed by the Executive. Still, conduce, in a decisive way to the prevalence of the Executive, some inherent practices to the called presidential coalition, which allow the Executive to negotiate the support to Legislative members in actions of its self-interest, in exchange of the release of resources for the attainment of the parliamentary amendments and the public positions designations. Facing the picture contoured today, that points to the ascendancy of the Executive Power and the supremacy of its interests, it is imperative the necessity of the adoption of actions that aim the restore of the balance between the Powers of the State. Thus, besides to expose the existing problematical, by the historicalevolutionary analysis of the budgetary attributions, and the function performed by each of the Powers in the present budgetary systematic, analyzing, specially, the instruments of flexibility given to the Executive and the instruments of control designated to the Legislative, the present study analyzes some proposals, already on course, aiming the change of the budgetary system, among which stands out the institution of the called imposing budget, in replacement to the authoritative nature that today line it. Also, the study propose actions that aim to restrain the progress of the executive competencies, using as a parameter some experiences brought from other juridical systems, taking into account that the distortions found do not constitute a exclusive reality of the national political picture.

The 1980s witnessed a judicial “rights revolution” in Canada characterized by the Supreme Court of Canada striking down both federal and provincial legislation which violated the rights guaranteed by the 1982 Charter of Rights. The lack of a similar judicial “rights revolution” in the wake of the 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights has largely been attributed to the structural difference between the two instruments with the latter – as a “mere” statute of the federal parliament – providing little more than a canon of construction and (unlike the Charter) not empowering the courts to engage in judicial review of legislation. Yet this view contrasts starkly with how the Bill was portrayed by the Diefenbaker government, which argued that it provided for judicial review and would “prevail” over other federal legislation. Many modern scholars have dismissed the idea that the Bill could prevail over other federal statutes as being incompatible with the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. That is, a bill of rights could only prevail over legislation if incorporated into the British North America Act. As such, they argue that the Diefenbaker government could not have intended the Bill of Rights to operate as anything more than a canon of construction. However, such a view ignores the turbulence in constitutional thinking on parliamentary sovereignty in the 1930s through 1960s provoked by the Statute of Westminster. This era produced the doctrine of “self-embracing” sovereignty – in contrast to traditional “Dicey” sovereignty – where parliament could limit itself through “ordinary” legislation. The effective author of the Canadian Bill of Rights, Elmer Driedger, was an adherent of this doctrine as well as an advocate of a “purposive” approach to statutory interpretation. Driedger, thus, drafted the Bill based upon the doctrine of self-embracing sovereignty and believed it would enjoy a “purposive” interpretation by the courts, with the Bill designed to be as effective at guaranteeing rights as the Statute of Westminster was at liberating Canada from Imperial legislation.

This dissertation examines the stated principle of the supremacy of the public interest over private interest, which is considered in the Brazilian administrative law as one of its pillars, as opposed to the interests of the citizen. The objective is to examine whether this implicit principle really exists in the legal system. Therefore, based on introductory talks-about historical notes about administrative law and state power, and seek the origin and relevance of the principle of the supremacy of the public interest, investigating the indeterminate concept of the public interest as well as the various understandings light on this principle and its influence on the construction of administrative law with current reflections on essentially the period of the welfare state, in pursuit of achievement of full citizenship rights. Then goes on to investigate the situation of the individual, on the rights and guarantees inherent to human dignity. We continue doing an investigation on existing concepts about legal standard, detailing the concept of legal principle and identify proportionality as a measure for weighting of core values and not as a principle. The conclusion reached by pervades counterbalancing and the mitigation principle in favor of the democratic rule of law and protecting citizens. / A presente dissertação versa sobre o dito princípio da supremacia do interesse público sobre o interesse particular, sendo este considerado no direito administrativo brasileiro como um dos seus pilares, quando contrapostos aos interesses do cidadão. Objetiva-se examinar se esse princípio implícito realmente existe no ordenamento jurídico. Para tanto, em sede introdutória, discorre-se sobre notas históricas acerca do direito administrativo e do poder estatal, além de buscar a origem e relevância do princípio da supremacia do interesse público, investigando o conceito indeterminado do interesse público, bem como os diversos entendimentos acerca do comentado princípio e sua influência na construção do direito administrativo atual com reflexos diante essencialmente do período do Estado Social, em busca da conquista de uma cidadania plena de direitos. Em seguida, passa-se a investigar a situação do indivíduo, diante dos direitos e garantias fundamentais, inerente à sua dignidade humana. Prossegue-se fazendo uma averiguação acerca dos conceitos existentes sobre norma jurídica, pormenorizando o conceito de princípio jurídico, além de identificar a proporcionalidade como medida de ponderação de valores fundamentais e não como princípio. A conclusão alcançada perpassa pelo sopesamento e pela mitigação do princípio em prol do Estado Democrático de Direito e da proteção ao cidadão.

This thesis mobilizes the concept of “colonial entanglement” to emphasize the deep complexity and unpredictability of Indigenous and non-Indigenous relationships within what is now known as the Banff-Bow Valley. Responding to various literatures—including Indigenous Studies, Settler Colonial Studies, Political Theory, and Canadian Politics—I posit that the concept of colonial entanglements offers a parallax view of contexts, such as the Banff-Bow Valley, and events like the Buffalo Reintroduction Project. Not only does such a concept reveal how Indigenous nations— both human and non-human—are targeted by the racializing and gendered entanglements of colonizing regimes that seek to break up and replace them, but it also shows how these nations continue to persist and resist despite colonizing efforts to achieve otherwise. In other words, colonial entanglements compel one to also consider how nations like the Ĩyãħé Nakoda also exert influence on other Indigenous and non-Indigenous life in the Banff-Bow Valley—albeit, in different ways and to different degrees. After unpacking the concept in the first chapter, I use colonial entanglement to show how colonizing regimes and their expansionist modes of relationship react to the Indigenous nations they become entangled with. Using the signing of Treaty 7 and the establishment of a national park in Banff, I reveal how the Canadian state seeks to erect colonizing regimes of property that cater to capital as they transit the Banff-Bow Valley by ‘breaking up’ and ‘breaking from’ Indigenous nations and their expansive modes of relationship. Next, I consider how such reactionary violence is continually justified and legitimated through the articulation and reiteration of state of nature fictions that rely on notions of wilderness and tropes of Indigeneity to delegitimize the enduring presence of Indigenous nations. Specifically, I look at the Indian Act, the prohibition of hunting in the Park, and the Banff Indian Days festival to show how state of nature fictions articulate a supposed transition from a “past state of nature” to a contemporary “state of (dis)possession” entangled with white supremacist and heteropatriarchal forms of power. In doing so, these fictions make and reproduce colonial subjects who buy into and support colonizing violence and breakage that disproportionately targets those Indigenous to place. In the final chapter, I turn to focus on the Buffalo Reintroduction Project. Here, I consider how the project presents contemporary opportunities for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people to support and/or disrupt colonizing states of (dis)possession and the state of nature fictions they rely on, while also considering the project’s potential for a politics oriented towards expansive modes of relationship revolving around principles of decolonization and anti-colonial internationalism. / Graduate

No description available.

Racial Contract fait partie de ces livres pionniers qui ont permis aux théories critiques de la race de faire leur entrée en philosophie politique. Dans cette analyse libérale des inégalités raciales, Charles W. Mills propose de prendre la suprématie blanche comme outil conceptuel pour décrire et expliquer les problèmes liés à la race aux États-Unis. Le potentiel émancipatoire de cette approche subversive chez les personnes racisées noires n’a pas été étudié. Dans ce mémoire, après avoir comparé diverses conceptions de la notion de « race », nous examinons la façon dont Mills articule les concepts de « suprématie blanche » et d’« épistémologie de l’ignorance » afin d’expliquer les injustices raciales. Finalement, nous explorons la théorie de la résistance de Shannon Sullivan afin d’évaluer sa compatibilité avec la théorie descriptive de Mills. En fin d’analyse, nous estimons qu’une philosophie de la résistance aurait avantage à se tourner vers des théories critiques de la race autres que celle de Mills, telles que celle de W.E.B. Du Bois afin d’avoir un concept de l’individu racisé noir qui rend compte de son agentivité et donc de sa capacité à résister. Nous soutenons aussi que le concept de « suprématie blanche », tel que développé par Mills, est un outil théorique cohérent, valide et potentiellement utile à l’élaboration d’une philosophie de la résistance noire. Enfin, même si sa portée est plutôt restreinte, nous considérons que l’apport des « traîtres de la race » tel que Shannon Sullivan dans une philosophie de la résistance peut potentiellement être positif. / Racial Contract is one of the pioneering books that brought critical race theories into political philosophy. In this liberal analysis of racial inequalities, Charles W. Mills proposes to use white supremacy as a conceptual tool to describe and explain race-related problems in the United States. However, the emancipatory potential of this subversive approach among "black" people has not been studied. In this master thesis, after comparing various conceptions of "race", we examine how Mills articulates the concepts of "white supremacy" and "epistemology of ignorance" to explain racial injustices. Finally, we explore Shannon Sullivan's theory of resistance to assess its compatibility with Mills' descriptive theory. In the end, we believe that a philosophy of resistance would benefit from turning to critical theories of race other than that of Mills, such as W.E.B. Du Bois, in order to have a concept of the "black" individual that accounts for his or her agentivity and thus his or her capacity to resist. We also argue that the concept of "white supremacy", as developed by Mills, is a coherent, valid and potentially useful theoretical tool for the development of a philosophy of black resistance. Finally, even if its scope is rather limited, we consider that the contribution of "race traitors" such as Shannon Sullivan to a philosophy of resistance can potentially be positive.

Syftet med föreliggande studie är att utföra en bilderboksanalys av hur mångkulturalitet representeras i sex nutida barnböcker utgivna år 2019–2021 för att uppmärksamma och i förlängningen motverka den vithetsnorm som till stor del präglar vår kultur. Den teoretiker som främst legat till grund för studien är Robin DiAngelo som skriver om vit överhöghet och hur den ligger till grund för rasism i samhället. Resultatet har visat att de sex undersökta böckerna i relativt liten utsträckning bryter vithetsnormen. Vidare har resultatet visat att det framträder vithetsnorm i samtliga böcker då de flesta karaktärer med högutbildning och status är vita.

According to current U.S. labor statistics, Black male executives are underrepresented in every major industry in the United States. Common impediments preventing Black males from occupying executive positions include workplace white supremacy, biculturalism, repressive structures, and disparate career development. Using critical race theory as a framework, this basic qualitative study investigated the experiences of eight male executives, five Black and three white, from various industries to understand their perceptions and perspectives on race and racism, and examined their workplace lived experiences to study why there are not more Black males in the e-suite. Moreover, strategies to increase Black male representation in executive leadership positions were explored. The results of this study indicated white supremacy and norms are ubiquitous and dominant in the workplace. Consequently, this prevailing workplace ideology determines an organization’s culture, policies and practices, and, altogether, trigger traumas for Black males. Black male participants associated many of their workplace experiences with traumas in the forms of white favoritism, marginalization, stereotyping, microinvalidation, and compulsive assimilation. As a coping mechanism, they found support and organizational belonging through social networking in peer relationships and affinity groups, but their white counterparts almost exclusively used networking for career advancement.5 An emergent strategy from this study to increase Black male representation in the e-suite was the notion of a designed relationship model between aspiring Black male executives and equity-minded white male executives. However, because scholarship concerning career barriers impeding Black males from executive leadership positions is limited, future research is required to better understand the relationship between their workplace traumas and their underrepresentation.