We live in a global world characterized of economic internationalization. It imposes new demands on our way of managing our world. The Swedish labour market is not an exception. Critics believe that the Swedish model is in need of change. In the context of posting of workers the interplay between social rights and the freedom of providing services gives birth to problematic fields of social dumping. Both Norway and Sweden face similar challenges on the internal market. Nevertheless, both countries have applied different strategies in their work to counteract social dumping.    This paper aims to compare the Swedish- with the Norwegian model and display how both systems works to prevent social dumping. Further the paper will examine if the Norwegian system with universal collective agreements could be implemented in the Swedish system without creating friction in view of the Swedish model. By using a comparative method with sociology of law the paper brings understanding to the reader for the complex interaction between society and legal systems. This is key to fully grasp why Sweden and Norway has chosen different legal paths.

Sweden is one of the Nordic countries of Scandinavian peninsula in the Northern Europe with the population less than population of the Czech Republic. The Swedish economy is in many parameters like czech economy -- it is relatively small with the limited internal market. After the 2nd World War, it has become a model economy that has chose its own "third way" among capitalism and socialism. The aim of this thesis is throught the regression analysis find out if, between the years 2008 -- 2010, the long -- term unemployment was lower in Sweden in comparison with the Czech Republic and then, I estimate the regression model in which I try to quantify the positive or negative influence of chosen macroeconomic indicators of the Swedish labour market at the long-term unemployment between the years 2004 - 2013. From the outcomes of comparative analysis, the regression analysis and questionnaire, I am going to outline the possible directions of swedish experience from the Swedish labour market which could be transmissible to the Czech Republic.

In my thesis I focus on the concept of the Swedish welfare state, which many economists consider as a conclusive evidence that an extensive welfare state is fully compatible with a growing and competitive economy. The main hypothesis is that institutions of the welfare state leads in time to a continual pressure on change of overall condition of all social structures, expansion of the public sector, its overuse and increasing inefficiency. I examine a period from about 1850, when Sweden began to rapidly develop until the turn of the 20th and 21st century, when the Swedish welfare state fell into crisis. The hypothesis is verified by using the methodological approach of induction and with theoretical framework of new institutional economics. Findings of my work shows that the success of Swedish welfare state is rather a result of specific institutional factors that were favorable to business environment for most of the modern Swedish history. On contrary, excessive social spending, high taxes and market regulation from the second half of the 20th century made the system unsustainable and pointed to the need of reformation.

The aim of the study has been to provide a further understanding to the underlying mechanisms and principles that has shaped the Swedish governmental measures towards the pandemic of Covid-19 in Sweden. Throughout the pandemic of Covid-19, Sweden has been considered as deviating in its national and domestic approach towards the pandemic where Sweden has been pointed out as controversial in its measures that heavily has relied upon trust and common sense of the citizens. Through a qualitative document analysis, the thesis has analyzed the domestic measures taken by the Swedish government between the period of January 2020 and June 2021. The study has used the theoretical lens of constructivism and the empirical departure of the Swedish model as explanatory tools for how the self-image of Sweden derives from a conceptualization of identity provided by the Swedish model. Hence, the study has related to the Swedish model as a tool that shapes the Swedish identity which during the pandemic thus has shaped the identity politics of Sweden by domestic measures as a national response. By using the fundamental pillars of the Swedish model comprising labor market, economic policy and welfare policy, the thesis concluded that the Swedish identity that has shaped the executed identity politics during the pandemic derives from a Swedish self-image of being a welfare state originated from the values of the Swedish model permeating the governing of Sweden. Hence, the mechanisms and principles that have shaped the Swedish behavior through domestic measures during the pandemic of Covid-19 has been the Swedish model along with a Swedish identity and self-image deriving from a self interpretated definition of the Swedish governmental self.

A modern society is often characterized by a large measure of welfare that all citizens take part of to a greater or lesser extent. Welfare can be defined as the social rights and benefits enjoyed by the habitants of a country. In Sweden, the social safety net is well developed and offers financial compensation in several situations and the individual can safely rely on the social safety net. In addition, legislations and insurances have been developed to offer protection to the habitants in special deserving cases. For example, when a person gets injured at the work-place or in traffic there are insurances that allow compensation regardless of any negligence, so called culpa. The insurance form is called no fault insurances. In addition, there is tort law that is applicable on all non-contractual damages. Tort law, private insurance law, insurances due to collective bargaining, public insurances covering occupation as well as different areas of the social security system are all connected in a vast and complex structure. The main purpose of the essay is to analyze the interdependence between the different compensation systems and to examine the differences that the no fault insurances concerning work related injuries and injuries due to traffic shows between them but also in comparison with tort law regarding for example compensation and the possibility to appeal a “wrongfully” made decision. The first part of the essay will provide a historical background to the development of the no fault insurances, especially regarding occupational damage and accidents in traffic, and focus on the relation between the different compensation systems - the Swedish model. Further on the motives to the regulations will be examined, followed by cases illustrating the actual application and specialness of the regulations. Analyzes and conclusions will be found in the different chapters of the essay, and they will be put together in a final chapter.

Diploma thesis 'Weakening of neo-corporatism in Sweden after 1990' covers historical preconditions for emergence of swedish neo-corporatism, its development in the 20th century and its weakening after 1990. Neo-corporatism's heyday is dated back to the 1950s and the 1960s and is characterized by deep institutionalized participation of organised interests in the public policy-making and a tripartite interaction of the three main parties - the state, the Swedish employers' federation SAF and the Swedish union confederation LO. Changes that have occured since 1970s and their implications on swedish policy-making after 1990 are analyzed further on. A lot of attention is paid to particular ways of organized interests' institutionalized participation in the public policy-making. Wider socio-political context of the thesis covers the transition of Swedish model since 1970s and its implications on swedish democracy. The core hypothesis of this paper is that neo-corporatism in Sweden has not disappeared, according to some authors, but weakened considerably and changed.

From the Polanyian perspective on the double movement of labour commodification and self-protection of Society, the aim of this study was to examine how unionists perceive and problematise precarious employment and what are their practices for unionising and thereby securing precarious workers. A double case study was conducted in the hotel-restaurant and construction sectors in Sweden with the participation of blue-collar unionists with diverse backgrounds and experiences. The results show that precarious work is associated with labour market segmentation, subcontracting and fragmentation of economic organisations, deskilling of work, loss of autonomy and sometimes over-qualification of workers. Perceived difficulties for unionisation are fear, lack of knowledge of precarious workers about their rights, membership cost, status frustration and lack of interactions with other workers. Reported practices for unionising precarious workers consist of dealing with these barriers in order to build trustful relations and empowering workers through education and inclusion in leadership positions. Actions taken to protect and secure precarious workers are strongly interlinked with their unionisation and seem to rest mainly on negotiations. The main conclusions of the study are that precarious work means a loss of control by workers over their work life stemming from labour commodification and flexibilisation due to increased management control and lack of rights and protections surrounding work. The formation of solidarities needed for unionisation is hindered by the detachment of precarious workers from the work community and by inequality regimes. The domination of fear manifests the prevalence of emotions. Therefore, the care and emotional work of unionists is essential for making workers feel confidence. Unions practices tend to lean also, to some extent, towards organising and community building models. Thereby, union agency appears to be able to engage in an interplay with structures to exert some influence on employment and industrial relations.

瑞典是世界上最早開始實施積極勞動市場政策的國家之一，同時也是目前世界上最致力於實施積極勞動市場政策的國家之一。積極勞動市場政策在瑞典的勞動就業中佔有重要地位，並且也是瑞典勞動就業政策以及瑞典模型的一個基本特徵。瑞典積極勞動市場政策充分開發並利用了邊緣勞動力，提高了勞動參與率，促進了不同部門之間勞動力的合理配置,但其高昂的支出也加重了財政負擔，減少了正規就業。 換言之，積極勞動市場政策已成為瑞典經濟與政治政策的註冊商標。回顧1930年代具體的制度措施，有助於解釋近年來瑞典如何成功地結合高福利與經濟增長和高就業水準。對充分就業承諾與以積極的態度來面對開放經濟所帶來的結構變化，其最終目的在於保障就業。而在此體制的背後是強大的社會合作夥伴奧援。儘管全球化對瑞典模式造成不少壓力，惟最近的經驗顯示瑞典模式是可持續的。 雖然在促進就業方面瑞典所採行之政策與我國有若干相似之處，包括強調積極勞動市場措施的重要性，對直接僱用、薪資補貼與職業訓練投入大筆經費等，但他山之石可以攻錯，就瑞典積極勞動市場政策之探討結論本研究提出以下建議：（一）就業能力與方案類型存在一定的關聯性，故應對方案參與者有較多評估，並協助其選擇及參與適當的促進就業方案以及注意不同促進就業措施的競合關係，使之減少方案間排擠現象，發揮方案間加乘效果；（二）不同景氣狀況宜適用不同促進就業措施與建立完整方案參與者之長期追蹤資料庫，以利評估和政策導引；（三）調整積極性勞動市場措施之內容，縮減直接僱用的規模；（四）行政層級職掌分工與就業政策之彈性因應化；（五）修訂賦稅制度、促進工作激勵制度。 / Sweden is one of the countries in the world coming into force an active labour market policy at the earliest stage, and one of the countries with policy efforts which currently commits to carry out an active labor market policy. The active labor market policy takes an important position in Sweden labour market , and a main characteristic of Sweden labour market policies and Swedish Model. It develops and makes good use of the marginal labour force , improves the labour force participation rate , and promotes the rational allocation of labour between different departments. But its high expenditure adds to the financial burden , and reduces the formal employment . In words, an active labour market policy has been a trademark of Swedish economic policies. Specific institutional features which go way back to the 1930s help to explain why Sweden have been so relatively successful in recent years in combining high welfare with economic growth and high employment levels. A commitment to full employment and to an open economy brought about a proactive attitude towards structural change, aiming at protecting employment. The institutional framework behind is strong social partners. Even though globalization puts additional pressure on the system and demands ever more skilful political and economic governance, most recent experiences suggest that the model might be sustainable. To promote the employment, Swedish and Taiwan take some similar policy measures. Although there are a number of similarities, including the emphasis on active labour market measures, the importance of direct employment creation, vocational training and wage subsidies for large investment funds, there are still the followings worthwhile for our country to learn as an advice from others may help one’s defects.Therefore, this study makes the following recommendations:（a）there is a certain relevance between employability and the type of programmes. We need to assist participants to choose and participate in appropriate programmes to promote employment;（b）to pay attention to the promotion measures to reduce the crowding out among programs; make programs synergistic;（c）to adjust the contents of the labor market measures to reduce the scale of direct employment creation;（d）to take some employment measures according to differnt economic situation to promote employment and establish the long-term database of the programme participants to track and facilitate the assessment and policy guidance; （e）to amend the tax system to promote work incentives.

This paper discusses if Margin of Appreciation is compatible with the idea of universal human rights. Through the case of Negative freedom of association in Sweden, it studies the phenomenon that Giorgio Agamben has called the State of exception. The questions that are discussed and answered are 1) How does the rights theories of Jack Donnelly and Ronald Dworkin relate to Margin of appreciation, and 2) How has Margin of appreciation been applied in cases concerning the negative freedom of association in Sweden, in the European court for human rights. These questions and answers are then used in the discussion on how Margin of appreciation affects the concept of universal human rights. / Denna uppsats diskuterar frågan om Margin of Appreciation är förenligt med tanken om universella mänskliga rättigheter. Genom studier av den negativa föreningsfriheten i Sverige, så undersöks doktrinen Margin of appreciation och hur den förhåller sig till tanken om universella rättigheter. Frågorna som diskuteras och besvaras är 1) hur förhåller sig Jack Donnellys respektive Ronald Dworkins rättighetsteorier till Margin of appreciation, samt 2) Hur har Margin of appreciation tolkats i europadomstolens i fall gällande den negativa föreningsfriheten i Sverige. Dessa frågor tas till hjälp i diskussionen kring hur Margin of appreciation påverkar tanken om universella mänskliga rättigheter.

One of the most controversial debates in contemporary Swedish history centred on a proposal to create “wage-earner” funds. The main institutional actors of Swedish society were involved in this debate during the 1970s and 1980s. The aim of this thesis is to analyze how the most important institutional actors in Sweden, namely LO, the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) and the Swedish Employer Confederation (SAF), participated in and defined themselves in the wage-earner funds debate, against the background of the crisis of the Swedish Fordism, i.e. the mass production society. Chapter 2 consists of an analysis of those inherent features of Swedish Fordism that potentially could imply dissolution of the Fordist society in Sweden after the 1960s. Chapter 3 investigates debates about wage solidarity policy and the concentration of power and ownership in the Swedish economy that resulted in the LO wage-earner funds proposal from 1975. Chapter 4 discusses the opinions of active members in LO regarding the wage-earner funds proposals from 1975 and 1978. Chapter 5 investigates the Social Democratic Party's relationship to wage-earner funds. The chapter surmises that SAP leaders took a pragmatic attitude towards funds. This pragmatism differed from the opinion expressed by the radical activists in the party. Chapter 6 deals with the reaction of the Swedish Employer Confederation to the wage-earner funds proposal. The SAF anti-fund campaigns of the 1970s and 1980s are investigated in detail in the context of a neoliberal ideological offensive in Sweden. The chapter argues that the decision to abandon the centralized wage bargaining model influenced SAF's strategy in the debate over wage-earner funds. The dissertation’s main conclusion is that the radical wings of LO and SAP as well as the SAP leaders and the Swedish employers all used the mobilization around wage-earner funds for their own political purposes to solve problems resulting from the crisis of Swedish Fordism.