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Showing 31 to 40 of 40 (0.035 seconds)| 31 |
Les récits du Folkhem et l’utopisme de la social-démocratie suédoise : De Hansson à Palme : 1932-1986 / The Folkhem narratives and the utopianism of the Swedish Social-democracy : From Hansson to Palme : 1932-1986Persson, David 27 May 2014 (has links)
Cette thèse analyse les formes et les effets de l’utopisme qui sous-tend le projet politique du SAP (parti social-démocrate suédois) entre 1932 et 1986. Dans le cadre d’une approche conceptuelle du politique nous nous interrogeons sur le pouvoir des idées, des symboles et de l’imaginaire dans la constitution d’un roman national original, mais aussi à travers la mise en oeuvre de l’action publique. A partir d’un important corpus inédit de discours et d’écrits rédigés par les trois leaders qui se sont succédés à la tête du gouvernement pendant un demi-siècle(Hansson, Erlander, Palme), la thèse s’efforce de mettre à jour « la cristallisation sémantique » qui a structuré le lexique politique du SAP. En son coeur figure la métaphore du Folkhem qui fonctionne comme un mythe mobilisateur pour la nouvelle société, avant de se transformer en élément essentiel de l’identité nationale et de la culture politique de la Suède. Autour du Folkhem, se noue le contrat social suédois, et la notion se transforme en source etressource de légitimité politique. L’histoire des récits du Folkhem permet de mieuxcomprendre les origines du modèle suédois et les modalités récentes de son évolution. Par son extrême plasticité, le Folkhem continue de nos jours à faire l’objet d’appropriations politiques nombreuses et diverses, confirmant ainsi son rôle fondateur d’institution de sens. / This thesis relates the forms and effects of the utopianism that underlies the SAP (Swedish Social-Democratic Party) political project between 1932 and 1986. The power of ideas,symbols and imaginary in politics is our theoretical base. The political discourse of the SAP leaders and the importance of words in the creation of public policy are studied. Our corpus consists of a vast archive material. Guided by utopianism, the leaders express their will to create a new society. The Folkhem political metaphor, narrative at the heart of the political glossary of the SAP, is in the centre of this utopianism. The notion is used as a mobilizingmyth for the new society and it works as a social contract for the Swedes. The Folkhem narratives help us understand the Swedish model and contemporary Sweden. By its extreme plasticity and by being part of the Swedish identity, the notion is still a source of political legitimacy and continues to produce meaning.
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O modelo sueco e o pleno emprego: a crise da década de 1990Viana, Alexandre Guedes 04 May 2007 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2007-05-04 / During the 1930s and 1940s, the Swedish State introduced a set of measures that
had as goals reducing the unemployment, raising the economic growth and
increasing the welfare. However, this set of measures was blocked by challenges
that appeared after the World War II, specially the conflict between inflation and
unemployment. To solve this conflict, the economists Gösta Rehn and Rudolf
Meidner presented in 1951 an economic model that has been recognized as the
synthesis of the Swedish model. This model reveals as an alternative for the
economic policy management, therefore it has as objective to reach the full
employment and the price stability simultaneously, using labour market policies and a
restrictive fiscal policy. These objectives had been reached from the middle of 1950s
until the beginning of 1990s, period when Sweden faced a hard economic crisis. One
of the crisis consequences was the sharply unemployment rising rates, which raised
questions about the validity of the model. Thus, the aim of this paper is to introduce
the Swedish model and the full employment issue, analyzing the unemployment
rising rates after the 1990s crisis. To reach this aim the theoretical aspects of the
Swedish model are discussed, as well as the macroeconomic policies adopted by
Sweden after the World War II and the reasons for the unemployment rising rates.
This is a worthy issue because the Swedish model was efficient in maintain the full
employment for almost four decades / Durante as décadas de 1930 e 1940, o Estado sueco introduziu uma série de
medidas que tinham como objetivo reduzir o desemprego, elevar o crescimento
econômico e aumentar o bem-estar social. Porém, essas medidas esbarraram em
desafios que surgiram após a II Guerra Mundial, destacando o dilema entre inflação
e desemprego. Para resolver esse dilema, os economistas Gösta Rehn e Rudolf
Meidner apresentaram em 1951 um modelo econômico que passou a ser
reconhecido como a síntese do modelo sueco. Esse modelo mostra-se como uma
alternativa singular para a gestão da política econômica, pois possui como objetivos
atingir o pleno emprego e a estabilidade de preços simultaneamente, utilizando
políticas de mercado de trabalho e uma política fiscal restritiva. Esses objetivos
foram atingidos de meados da década de 1950 até o início da década de 1990,
momento em que a Suécia enfrentou uma forte crise econômica. Um dos reflexos
dessa crise foi a expressiva elevação dos índices de desemprego, o que levantou
questionamentos sobre a validade do modelo. Desse modo, o propósito deste
trabalho é apresentar o modelo sueco e a questão do pleno emprego, além de
analisar a elevação do desemprego após a crise da década de 1990. Para atingir
este objetivo são discutidos os aspectos teóricos do modelo sueco, as políticas
macroeconômicas adotadas pela Suécia após a II Guerra Mundial e as hipóteses
para a elevação das taxas de desemprego. Analisar essas hipóteses se mostra
relevante, uma vez que o modelo sueco foi eficaz em manter o pleno emprego por
praticamente quatro décadas
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L'héritage impensable. Conscience historique et technologies de l'identité dans la réforme éducative en Suède (1946-1980). / The Unthinkable Heritage - Historical consciousness and identity technologies in the reform of the Swedish education system (1946-1980)Colla, Piero Simeone 02 March 2017 (has links)
Les réformes qui affectent le système d’enseignement suédois de 1945 à 1980 ont abouti à unifier ses structures et son discours au nom de l’égalité et de l’utilité collective. Le réductionnisme instrumental propre à d’autres champs de la construction de l’État-providence investit alors la sphère de l’accès au savoir : légitimation des méthodes par la science, explication des objectifs, rationalisation des outils de programmation et de formation des agents... Le ralliement de l’école à un « modèle » suédois d’hygiène sociale est ici examiné à travers son impact sur les cadres sociaux de la mémoire culturelle. L’accent est mis sur la manière dont la codification du relativisme et la formalisation d’une approche non biaisée des sujets d’enseignement affectent l’autorité du canon pédagogique, en précipitant sa crise. À cette fin, l’évolution du cadre codifié de l’enseignement de l’histoire, l’évolution vers un programme interdisciplinaire pour les humanités et la structure des manuels scolaires d’histoire, font l’objet d’un suivi systématique.La seconde partie de l’étude est consacrée à la manière dont la subordination de la relation éducative à l’intérêt social qu’elle est censée servir se construit, paradoxalement, en tant que régime de vérité. Au nom de son statut émancipateur, l’institution scolaire est appelée à investir le terrain de la formation du sentiment individuel de responsabilité – de la vie de couple à l’éducation correcte des enfants. L’injonction de conformité et de discipline que cet enseignement véhicule, oriente la relation maître/élève vers un tiers symbolique immanent : l’actualisation de valeurs « suédoises », ou prétendues telles. Les enjeux imaginaires de l’introduction de méthodes participatives à l’école et de l’accueil des enfants d’immigrés, entre 1970 et 1980, et l’émergence ultérieure de deux impératifs sociaux – le « devoir » des adultes d’influencer les enfants, et le devoir social de « former » les parents – sont examinés dans cette optique. / The reshaping of the Swedish education system from 1945 to 1980 led to a unification of its structures and discourse in the name of equality and the common good. The instrumental reductionism inherent in the construction of the welfare state was thus extended to the sphere of access to knowledge: scientific validation of the methods used, explanation of the objectives, rationalisation of planning and training tools, etc. The thesis examines the alignment of the school system with a Swedish “model” of social hygiene through its impact on the social frameworks of cultural memory. It focuses on how the codification of relativism and the formalisation of an unbiased approach to the subjects taught impact on the authority of the pedagogical canon, while accelerating its crisis. To this end, the formal framework of history teaching, the shift to a trans-disciplinary curriculum for humanities and the changing focus of history school-books are analysed systematically.The second part of the study focuses on how the subordination of the teaching relationship to the social purpose it was supposed to serve was imposed, paradoxically, as a truth regime. In the name of their emancipatory role, schools were now required to help foster an individual sense of responsibility – whether in the area of married life or with regard to the “correct” way of raising children. The requirement for conformity and discipline reflected in this teaching would shift the teacher/pupil relationship towards an immanent symbolic third: the implementation of “Swedish” (or supposedly Swedish) values. The imaginary challenges involved in introducing a participatory approach in schools and welcoming the children of immigrants between 1970 and 1980, and the subsequent emergence of two social imperatives – the “duty” of adults to influence their children, and the social duty to “train” the parents – are examined in this light.
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På spaning efter en svensk modell : Idéer och vägval i arbetsgivarpolitiken 1897-1909 / In search of a Swedish model : Ideas and alternatives in employer policies during 1897-1909Berg, Jan O. January 2011 (has links)
The period saw the founding of the first Swedish employers´ associations as a reaction to the preceding decades´ growth of industrial trade unions. Conflicting ideas fought about supremacy. Not only was the fight carried out across the social dividing line separating workers from the bourgeoisie, but also between groups on either side: hawks versus doves among employers; revolutionaries versus reformers among workers. The study uses an actor perspective, comparing three leading industrialists in their particular roles as employers. It analyzes the development of ideas over the period studied, using minutes from meetings, company memos, letters, speeches and newspapers as primary sources. In addition, it is action-orientated and analyzes major labour conflicts that were fought and agreements that were reached. It applies a split vision, taking into regard the contemporary views and actions of the labour unions. Its perspective moves between the individual, the company and the organizational levels, with the primary aim to see what changes in the traditional patriarchal employer policies that were considered and to what extent such changes were realized. A major result is the evidence of the irreconcilable views on the subject of strike breakers/loyal workers -- two conflicting terms for one phenomenon that indicate a gap between two different sets of values. Differing views among employers on how to relate to this gap caused frictions in the years 1906-09. The outcome of the general strike in 1909 ended in a harsh employer organizations policy for more than the two following decades. It was replaced by the mutual spirit, later known as the Swedish Model, materialized in the Saltsjöbaden general agreements of 1938.
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Arbetslösa i rörelse : Organisationssträvanden och politisk kamp inom arbetslöshetsrörelsen i Sverige, 1920-34Andreasson, Ulf January 2008 (has links)
This doctoral thesis sets out to analyse the development of the unemployed movement in Sweden during the period 1920–34. The study is divided into two parts. The first is empirical and descriptive while the second is interpretive and explanatory, and seeks to examine why this phenomenon developed in the way it did. Mass unemployment in Sweden between the World Wars did not cause the same social tensions as in many other countries. This relative peace endured despite high and consistent unemployment and hard living conditions for the unemployed. These conditions served as sources for tensions present in the unemployed movement, and which some actors sought to take advantage of and even exacerbate. Andréasson argues that a major reason that society did not take a more radical turn in the period was that the reformist labour movement actively moderated these tensions. This was done by the Social Democratic Party (SAP) changing the environment of the unemployed organisations, for example by using local unemployment policy to polish off the rough edges of the national unemployment policy. More important was the crisis politics in the early 1930s that helped narrow the socio-economic gap between those who had and those who did not have a job. The Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) neutralised the movement of the unemployed by introducing changes within the unemployed movement itself, involving a variety of strategies. After 1933, the LO and SAP dominated and were able to direct the activities of most of the organisations that existed. Gaining control over the unemployed was as important for the LO and SAP as being able to exert control over other forces that might threaten to weaken their long-term strategies and aims. There was a conviction within the unemployed movement that mass unemployment was largely a consequence of technological developments in production. This argument had roots dating back to the early stages of industrialism in England when Luddites had attacked production machinery. The coalition of organisations of unemployed workers in Sweden during the 1920s and 1930s did not seriously consider engaging in machine-breaking activities. The movement’s criticism of technology did not extend into the Swedish model which envisioned the development of machinery as a way to prevent rising unemployment. / QC 20100628
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The Swedish model and the Rehn-Meidner model : A definition of the Swedish model and comparison to the Rehn-Meidner modelEkholm, Edvin January 2010 (has links)
This thesis studies two different models; the Swedish model and the Rehn-Meidner model. It shows their similarities and differences, and explains why it is inaccurate to put an equal mark between the two of them. An extensive discussion on the models is presented in order to give them each a fair assessment. It is shown how and why the Swedish model has failed, as well as how Sweden has failed to apply the Rehn-Meidner model in a consistent manner. The paper concludes with a brief discussion on the models’ possible application today and in the future. Also, some requirements for the models’ validity will be recognized. Some important questions concerning the models’ relevance, the influence of multitude on the models, and the issue of globalization and the EU are in this concluding chapter briefly discussed. It is argued that multitude has decreased the relevance of the models significantly, and that the Swedish welfare state which was created based on the ideas of the Swedish model, needs to be reassessed. Welfare municipalities are suggested rather than a welfare state. / Den här studien behandlar de två olika modellerna, den svenska modellen och Rehn-Meidner-modellen. Deras likheter och skillnader visas, och det förklaras varför det är inkorrekt att sätta ett likhetstecken mellan dem. En noggrann diskussion om modellerna genomförs för att kunna ge dem båda en rättvis bedömning. Det visas även hur och varför den svenska modellen misslyckats, samt hur Sverige har misslyckats att tillämpa Rehn-Meidner-modellen. Uppsatsen avslutas med en kort diskussion om modellernas eventuella tillämpning idag och i framtiden. Några krav för modellernas giltighet är också uppmärksammade. Ett antal viktiga frågor rörande modellernas relevans, mångfaldens inflytande på modellerna, samt globaliseringen och EU:s inverkan är i detta kapitel diskuterat. Det påstås att mångfalden har minskat modellernas relevans, och att den svenska välfärdsstaten, vilken är baserad på den svenska modellen, måste omvärderas. Välfärdskommuner föreslås snarare än en välfärdsstat.
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Basinkomst – en modell för Sverige? : En litteraturstudie om vilka resultat som hittills framkommit i de experiment med basinkomst som gjorts runtom i världen, och om ett sådant transfereringssystem skulle kunna passa ”den svenska modellen”Westberg, Henrik January 2016 (has links)
The purpose of this review is to summarize the experiments that have been presented regarding guaranteed Basic Income, performed around the world; to see if a BI might fit into ”the Swedish model”; and what further research would be needed to understand the mechanics of BI. A theory has been used, designed to compare the effects of cash transfer programs irrespective of economic level of the countries. The experiments show many similarities, such as improved school attendance and achievements, improved health, enhanced economic equality, a sense of inclusion and security, and also, where this has been studied, less crime. Where BI has been beneath the level of economic sustenance a growth of working hours including self employment has been noted, whereas in countries with an income high enough to sustain oneself a slight diminished work supply has been reported. The effects shown in the review seem to be well aligned with the visions of the Swedish welfare state, although might not be in alignment with the growing use of “work fare” in Sweden. Further research should focus on more long-lasting experiments and also to find a common ground, on which to perform them to be able to compare results.
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Dopad europeizace na sociální systémy členských států EU: případ švédského trhu práce / The Impact of Europeanization on Social Systems of the EU Member States: The Case of the Swedish Labour MarketKučerová, Markéta January 2014 (has links)
The Master thesis "The Impact of Europeanization on Social Systems of the EU Member States: The Case of the Swedish Labour Market" elaborates on the potential influence of the EU on the social policy of its members. Although the social policy has formally been left in the competences of national states, there are certain possible ways whereby the EU can affect it. The instruments of Europeanization in the social area are identified and then tested on the case of the Swedish labour market. On the one hand, there are direct instruments of Europeanization in the social policy represented by the Open method of coordination (OMC) which is an unbinding EU legislation, and on the other hand, there are indirect mechanisms proceeding by the application of the rules of the internal EU market. Concerning specifically the Swedish labour market, it could have been affected by the Swedish participation on the European Employment Strategy (EES) that is based on the OMC, or through the ECJ decision in the Laval case which dealt with the freedom to provide services. In this respect, the specific Swedish model of labour market has played an important role. It is characterised by traditionally strong position of social partners and collective agreements as well as by the highly developed active labour market policy....
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Hemleverans, på vilka villkor? : En sociologisk intervjustudie om hur det fackliga arbetet påverkas i förhållande till gig-ekonomins framväxtPaulander, Erica, Petersson, Sara January 2021 (has links)
Med huvudsakligt fokus på budföretaget Foodora och de otrygga arbetsförhållanden som växer fram i samband med gig-ekonomins utbredning har denna studie som syfte att bilda en djupare förståelse för hur det fackliga arbetet påverkas, samt vilka huvudsakliga utmaningar som finns med att höja den fackliga organisationsgraden inom företaget Foodora. Det teoretiska ramverk som använts genom studien utgörs av Guy Standings teori om prekariatet. Standing framhåller hur prekariatet är en klass i vardande som idag växer fram till följd av de otrygga förhållanden denna grupp tvingas förhålla sig till. För att besvara studiens syfte har en kvalitativ metod använts där semistrukturerade intervjuer med fackligt anställda på Svenska Transportarbetarförbundet utgjort vårt empiriska material. Vår slutsats visar hur det fackliga arbetet påverkas negativt av hur de potentiella medlemmarna befinner sig i otrygga arbetsförhållanden och därför upplever det som riskfyllt att engagera sig fackligt. Vi identifierade främst hur en avsaknad av anställning-, inkomst- och representationstrygghet hos buden orsakade svårigheter för Transport med att organisera gruppen. Vi kunde även identifiera att det främst är migranter som anställs inom Foodora, där både den typ av dubbla otrygghet individen befinner sig i, samt kulturella skillnader och språkliga barriärer var försvårande i arbetet med att organisera gruppen fackligt. / With the main focus on the company Foodora and the precarious working conditions that emerge in connection with the gig economy, this study aims to gain a deeper understanding of how union work is affected and which primary challenges there are in reaching a higher level of trade union organization within the company Foodora. The theoretical framework used in the study is based on Guy Standing’s theory concerning the precariat. Standing emphasizes how the precariat is a becoming class whose growth is caused by the precarious work conditions that this group is forced to adhere to. The basis for gathering our empirical material has been a qualitative method with semi structured interviews with employees organized within the Transport union. Our results show that there is a negative attitude towards engaging in organized unions among the potential members since they perceive it as a risk, which then has a negative effect on the work of the union. We identified that the lack of insecurity with employment, insecurity with salary and lack of representation caused problems when trying to organize members in the trade union. We could also identify that those who are mainly employed at Foodora are immigrants, who are affected by insecurity based on various interplaying factors. Caused by the lack of civil rights as well as the lack of work-related safety. The cultural and linguistic barriers, in combination with the insecurity within the group caused obstacles when trying to organize members in the trade union.
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Narratives of governing : rationalization, responsibility and resistance in social workLauri, Marcus January 2016 (has links)
For many years, Sweden has had a reputation for having a comprehensive and women friendly welfare state. However, as in many other European countries during the past few decades, the organization and governing of welfare has undergone profound changes. Through interviews with social workers and the application of theories of governmentality, this thesis analyzes the expressions and consequences of such current organization and governing. One result is that the introduction of meticulous documentation practices of social workers contact with clients, regulate their interaction and constitute a control over both client and social worker. Another result is that the current organization fragments labor and awards more authority to managers, which functions to produce loyalty to the organization and management, rather than clients. This is expressed in demands not to voice protest, as it is said to create a bad mood. It is also expressed in demands to spend as little as possible on clients; short duration of treatment, preference for outpatient treatment and by making it difficult to receive financial support. This austerity is legitimized through the intermeshing of different ideals; budget awareness, evidence that supports short and outpatient treatment and that clients in order to change their course of life should to be allowed or coerced into taking individual responsibility. Another important finding is that the current governing and organization of social work produce distance and detachment, and thus discourage caring subjects. This is a complex process in which an assemblage of different techniques and rationalities undermines the cultivation of a relationship between social worker and client. 1) The ideal of evidence-based practice favors rigid methods over a flexible and holistic approach. 2) Ideals of rationality, closely connected to notions of masculinity and professionalism, value objectivity and devalue and deter the surfacing of emotions. 3) Meticulous practices of documentation reduce the amount of time available to meet clients. 4) Ideals and particular methods designed to promote individual responsibility in clients legitimize social workers distancing themselves from clients’ dependency and needs. 5) A division of labor, in either assessment or treatment, reduces time spent with clients for those who work with assessment and ultimately engage in the rationing of resources. 6) Standardized digital templates, installed to aid in assessments, regulate and proceduralize interactions with the client. 7) Austerity, heavy workloads, individualized responsibility and stress further accentuate distance, as detachment becomes a means to cope with arduous working conditions. The transformation of social work described above produces alienation and a fragmentation of social workers’ collective subjects. Simultaneously, an ethos of caring makes some social workers work extra hard to provide for clients, which ultimately covers for flaws in the system. Although such an ethos of caring allows for the further exploitation of social workers, it is also understood as a means of resistance, which in turn also forms the basis for organized resistance. / Sverige har ett internationellt rykte för att ha en omfattande och kvinnovänlig välfärd. Även om riktigheten i en sådan uppfattning sedan länge ifrågasatts har på senare år, likt i många andra Europeiska länder, det svenska välfärdssystemet genomgått en omfattande förändring i avseende på dess räckvidd, men också dess organisering och styrning. Fokus för denna studie är just denna organisering och styrning, och mer specifikt, hur detta påverkar ett av välfärdens kanske mest centrala område: socialt arbete. Genom att intervjua socialarbetare undersöks i denna studie uttryck för och konsekvenser av en sådan förändring, bland annat genom att undersöka hur könsbundna föreställningar och förväntningar är sammanflätade med det sociala arbetets organisering och styrning. I studien konstateras att socialarbetare erfar att deras arbete genomgått omfattande förändringar, vilket kopplas ihop med både organiseringen och styrningen av det sociala arbetet. Detta uttrycks både i de ideal som kringgärdar arbetet men också i dominerande arbetssätt. En sådan förändring är införandet av omfattande dokumentationsprocedurer av socialarbetarens arbete och kontakt med klienter, vilket medför att kontakten med klienterna blir ytligare. Dokumentationsprocedurerna utgör också en sorts kontroll av både klienterna och socialarbetarna själva. En annan förändring som konstateras är att nya organisationsmodeller och en förändrad ledarskapskultur skapar förväntningar på socialarbetarna att vara lojala med organisationen och ledningen snarare än klienterna. Bland annat utrycks detta genom förväntningar att inte protestera och skapa dålig stämning på arbetsplatsen, men också genom uttalade krav att spendera så lite resurser som möjligt på klienterna; korta behandlingstider, öppenvårdsalternativ och orimligt hårda krav för att få ekonomiskt bistånd. Detta legitimeras genom sammanväxningen av flera olika ideal; budgetmedvetenhet, att klienter inte mår bra av långa institutionsvistelser, men också att klienterna ska tillåtas eller bör tvingas att klara att sig själva. Ett av studiens huvudresultat är att den nuvarande organiseringen och styrningen av socialt arbete skapar avstånd och likgiltighet. Genom flera sammankopplade ideal och arbetssätt styrs dagens socialarbetare till att bry sig mindre om de klienter de möter. På så sätt undermineras förutsättningarna för framväxten av en djup relation mellan socialarbetare och klient; 1) Idealet och kravet att socialarbetare ska arbeta utifrån evidens, det vill säga metoder och förhållningssätt som i speciellt utformade utvärderingsmodeller visat sig ha effekt, gör att väl strukturerade och rigida metoder ges företräde. Denna instrumentalisering underminerar ett flexibelt, relationsorienterat och helhetsfokuserat sätt att arbeta. Dessutom gör evidensidealets fokus på enskilda individer och avgränsade utvärderingstider att mer samhällsinriktat kritiskt och långsiktigt inriktat arbete undermineras. 2) Ett rationalitetsideal, tätt sammanbundet med föreställningar om professionalitet och maskulinitet, värderar objektivitet och förmågan att frikoppla socialarbetarens egna känslor från sitt arbete. Detta maskuliniserade professionsideal innebär att empati och solidaritet med klienten undergrävs. 3) Omfattande krav på olika former av dokumentation av det sociala arbetet gör att tiden som socialarbetaren har till sitt förfogande för att besöka och att ha möten med klienten blir knapp. 4) Ett allmänt samhällsideal kring individuellt ansvar och en särskild arbetsmetod (motiverande samtal) som många socialarbetare förväntas lära sig, framhäver klientens eget ansvar för och vilja till förändring. Detta legitimerar ett avståndstagande från klientens behov av hjälp och stöd enligt logiken ”du måste klara detta själv”. 5) En vanligt förekommande uppdelning av socialarbetarnas arbetsuppgifter i en så kallad beställar-utförarmodell gör att vissa socialsekreterare arbetar med hjälp och stöd, medan andra arbetar med bedömningar av klienters behov. De senare, som också har inflytande över resurstilldelning, blir med en sådan organisering av arbetet alltmer frikopplade från den stödjande och hjälpande verksamheten och kontakten med klienten. 6) Standardiserade digitala bedömningsinstrument, skapade för att på ett likvärdigt sätt bedöma klienters behov och dokumentera det sociala arbetet, reglerar och instrumentaliserar kontakten med klienter. 7) Tunga arbetsbördor, individualiserat ansvar och stress, bidrar ytterligare till att skapa avstånd och likgiltighet eftersom det för vissa utgör ett sätt att genomleva en ohållbar arbetssituation. En allmän åtstramning av socialtjänstens resurstilldelning förstås som en viktig orsak till behovet av att skapa ovan distansmekanismer. Men distansen hänger också ihop med en tendens till ett återupplivande av en tidigare dominerande förståelse av marginalisering och sociala problem; där människors nöd ses som ett utslag av dålig karaktär och ett resultat av dåliga individuella val. De förändringar av det sociala arbetets premisser som beskrivits ovan gör att socialarbetarna alltmer görs främmande inför sitt arbete – de alieneras. Detta främmandegörande uttrycks genom att inte kunna identifiera sig med arbetet självt, sina kollegor eller med sig själv. Ett sådant främmandegörande underminerar, eller fragmentiserar, både relationen till klienten, men också en känsla av gemenskap med andra socialarbetare. En gemenskap som kan utgöra ett ”vi” och ligga till grund för att ställa krav, protestera och göra motstånd mot avhumaniserande ideal och reformer. På så vis är främmandegörandet inte bara en konsekvens av dagens organisering och styrning, utan också något som fyller en viktig funktion för en sådan styrning och organisering, och genomförandet av en allmän åtstramning i socialpolitiken. Samtidigt som dagens organisering och styrning av socialt arbete är främmandegörande, slår vissa socialarbetare knut på sig själva och arbetar extra hårt för att täcka upp för systemets brister och krympande resurser, för att trots det svåra läget ändå försöka ge det stöd som de upplever att klienten behöver. Ett sådant historiskt förankrat femininiserat omsorgsideal, dvs känslor av ansvar och empati inför behövande och en ilska inför oförrätter, utgör därmed på samma gång grund för en fördjupad exploatering av socialarbetarna, och ett vardagligt motstånd mot rådande system. I ett läge när flera upplever att kollegialiteten som grund för motstånd på arbetsplatserna underminerats, utgör ett sådant omsorgsideal samtidigt också grunden för organiserat motstånd utanför arbetsplatsen, bortom chefernas insyn, kontroll och härskartekniker. Medan nuvarande styrningssystem underminerar ett visst sorts motstånd, uppstår samtidigt grunden för nya.
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