This dissertation contributes to the definition of an analytical framework for the study of optimal jurisdictional size for local service delivery. We argue that the standard economics framework for the analysis of optimal jurisdictional size importantly neglects individual preferences for political accountability. Our theoretical model shows that once we take into account such preferences, the optimal jurisdictional size for the provision of local public goods is smaller than in the standard model. We obtain empirical evidence to support our hypothesis from a sample of 197 countries. Our results show that, in fact, demand for political accountability leads to higher jurisdictional fragmentation both in terms of greater number of jurisdictions and smaller average population per jurisdiction. In addition, a meta-analysis of the empirical contributions to the study of economies of scale in the provision of local services shows that the economies of scale expected from service provision to larger jurisdictional sizes may not be present except for a handful of local services, and limited to relatively small population sizes. The results of the meta-analysis signal moderately increasing to constant returns to scale in the provision of traditional local services. In light of these results, we argue that forced jurisdictional consolidation programs across the world justified by perceptions of excessive jurisdictional fragmentation, or by the expectation of large expenditure savings due to economies of scale may have been, thus, erroneously designed. From a policy perspective, multi-layered institutional frameworks for service delivery (including cooperation and privatization among other options) may allow targeting available efficiency gains more efficiently than consolidation.

This dissertation contributes to the definition of an analytical framework for the study of optimal jurisdictional size for local service delivery. We argue that the standard economics framework for the analysis of optimal jurisdictional size importantly neglects individual preferences for political accountability. Our theoretical model shows that once we take into account such preferences, the optimal jurisdictional size for the provision of local public goods is smaller than in the standard model. We obtain empirical evidence to support our hypothesis from a sample of 197 countries. Our results show that, in fact, demand for political accountability leads to higher jurisdictional fragmentation both in terms of greater number of jurisdictions and smaller average population per jurisdiction. In addition, a meta-analysis of the empirical contributions to the study of economies of scale in the provision of local services shows that the economies of scale expected from service provision to larger jurisdictional sizes may not be present except for a handful of local services, and limited to relatively small population sizes. The results of the meta-analysis signal moderately increasing to constant returns to scale in the provision of traditional local services. In light of these results, we argue that forced jurisdictional consolidation programs across the world justified by perceptions of excessive jurisdictional fragmentation, or by the expectation of large expenditure savings due to economies of scale may have been, thus, erroneously designed. From a policy perspective, multi-layered institutional frameworks for service delivery (including cooperation and privatization among other options) may allow targeting available efficiency gains more efficiently than consolidation.

Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2015-03-20T13:40:17Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Leonardo de Castro Araújo - 2014.pdf: 8757425 bytes, checksum: 71af6bb078e4e8b9867947931db55778 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-03-20T13:48:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Leonardo de Castro Araújo - 2014.pdf: 8757425 bytes, checksum: 71af6bb078e4e8b9867947931db55778 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-20T13:49:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Leonardo de Castro Araújo - 2014.pdf: 8757425 bytes, checksum: 71af6bb078e4e8b9867947931db55778 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This paper discusses the process of periurbanization in the northern city of Goiânia. For both, the analysis takes as empirical reality the territorial dynamics Chácaras Bom Retiro neighborhood. The process of periurbanization is seen as an action of the metropolis itself, therefore the theoretical analysis incorporates the concepts of metropolization and periurbanization in a complementary way. The origin of the Chácaras Bom Retiro neighborhood is marked by a migratory process of people from the city of Portalegre (RN) with strong rural tradition. Currently, there is significant territorial transformations presente in the neighborhood, a result of the influence and territorial extent of Goiânia metropolis. The natural landscape and the slow time of the place contrast with the metropolitan space. However, the landscape which refers to the field requires a new reading, since urbanity is dispersed by the metropolis also for the rural. This new reality emerges many problems and challenges for the local population, as the difficulty of access to commerce and services, the incomplete implementation of urban infrastructure, the provision of poor public transport service, etc. It is intended to also contribute to the discussion about the question of the Metropolitan Region of Goiânia and reflections on the concepts of periurbanization and metropolization. / O presente trabalho aborda o processo de periurbanização na região norte do município de Goiânia. Para tanto, a análise toma como realidade empírica a dinâmica territorial do Bairro Chácaras Bom Retiro. O processo de periurbanização é visto como ação da própria metrópole e, por essa razão, a análise teórica retoma os conceitos de metropolização e periurbanização de forma complementar. A origem do Bairro Chácaras Bom Retiro está marcada por um processo migratório de pessoas oriundas do município de Portalegre (RN), possuidoras de forte tradição rural. Atualmente, notam-se significativas transformações territoriais verticalizadas no bairro, resultado da influência e da extensão territorial da metrópole goiana. A paisagem natural e o tempo lento do lugar, contrastam com o espaço metropolitano. No entanto, a paisagem, que remete ao campo, exige uma nova leitura, uma vez que a urbanidade é dispersa pela metrópole também para os espaços “rurais”. Dessa nova realidade emergem muitos problemas e desafios para a população local, como a dificuldade de acesso a comércio e a serviços, a implantação incompleta de infraestrutura urbana, a oferta precária de serviço de transporte coletivo, etc. Pretende-se, também, contribuir para o debate que envolve a problemática da Região Metropolitana de Goiânia e as reflexões acerca dos conceitos de periurbanização e metropolização.

The central question this thesis poses is how and why the modes of Palestinian political activism have changed from the first to the second intifada. The thesis will explore the underlying major political, territorial and social developments that created a new environment for the second uprising that was no longer conducive to the mass protests and acts of civil disobedience, which had dominated the first intifada in the late 1980s. The decline of civil society, the reassertion of Palestinian political factionalism and the unique geographical dislocation of the Palestinian territories, which created new physical obstacles to resistance but also caused division within society, were the key factors in reshaping the context of the second intifada. In addition, rising support for violent resistance among the population was rooted in the sense of hopelessness and frustration that re-emerged over the Oslo period. Much of the population’s frustration was directed at Israel’s colonial regime but in part it was also a response to the rule of the Palestinian Authority, which had failed to fulfil its commitments to its own population in view of its obligations under Oslo toward Israel. In the absence of alternative non-violent outlets within either politics or civil society, what took root instead was individual activism via militant organisations. As such, this thesis offers an account of the development of Palestinian political action (and in particular political violence) that is indebted to an effort to employ historical and contextual analysis in ways that deepen the insights available from explanations of behaviour drawn from political science.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-13T17:10:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LarissaSF_da capa_atepag160.pdf: 1444842 bytes, checksum: 2259eb88997b0a95f080596f541be12a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-25 / This work entitled "Planning and Tourism Territorial Management in the Metropolitan Region of Natal-RN" analyzes the tourism and its relationship to (re) production of socio-territorial inequalities in the metropolitan region of Natal (RMNatal) to from the planning and territorial management of the activity. For both, the methodological procedures were undertaken from research held about of literature on tourism, planning and territorial management, surveying and public policy analysis of tourism in national and local as well as the construction of levels of integration and differentiation of metropolitan municipalities in relation to tourism. Besides the shortage of studies on this subject, this research has shown that public policies focused on this sector has come under a great fragility in regard to tourism planning in Brazil and in Rio Grande do Norte, causing the planning activity is a strong array of fragmentation and socio-territorial inequalities in RMNatal / O presente trabalho, intitulado Planejamento e Ordenamento Territorial do Turismo na Regi?o Metropolitana de Natal-RN , tem como objetivo analisar o turismo e sua rela??o com a (re)produ??o das desigualdades socioterritoriais no ?mbito da Regi?o Metropolitana de Natal (RMNatal), a partir do planejamento e do ordenamento territorial da atividade. Os procedimentos metodol?gicos utilizados foram: pesquisas bibliogr?ficas acerca de turismo, planejamento e ordenamento territorial; levantamento e an?lise das pol?ticas p?blicas de turismo, tanto em escala nacional quanto local; bem como a constru??o de n?veis de integra??o e de diferencia??o dos munic?pios metropolitanos em rela??o ? atividade tur?stica. Al?m da escassez de estudos sobre a quest?o, a pesquisa mostrou que as pol?ticas p?blicas voltadas para o setor ainda se realizam sob uma grande fragilidade institucional, no que concerne ao planejamento do turismo no Brasil e no estado do Rio Grande do Norte, fazendo com que o ordenamento territorial da atividade seja um forte vetor de fragmenta??o e de desigualdades socioterritoriais na RMNatal

Regional nationalism and consequent separatist tendencies have a significant impact on the territorial (dis)integration of many countries across the globe, and Europe is no exception. These processes contributed to changes in the traditional academic understanding of states as uniform, cohesive, and continuous political entities. Nevertheless, research on territorial and societal cohesion and continuity within regional nationalist movements has so far been neglected, even though this aspect seems to be key to the successful mobilization and goal achievement of separatist movements in heterogeneous democratic societies. This thesis aims to examine the limits of uniformity and continuity, that is, a time-space differentiation in political affiliations to secessionist regional nationalism in Catalonia, including the explanation of a time-space nonstationarity in the effects of factors behind the affiliations. Catalonia is an example of region with intense cultural and inclusive-assimilationist nationalism which proliferates within an ethno-culturally heterogeneous and segregated society. In the last decade, the region has shifted from a phase of everyday, "banal" nationalism to an explicit and dynamic nationalist mobilization, which has been brought about by (and further intensified) the deterioration...