O objetivo central desta tese é estudar o percurso artístico e intelectual de Leon Hirszman a partir dos filmes Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979- 90) e Eles não usam black-tie (1981). Discutindo as relações entre cinema e História, a pesquisa se concentra nas práticas culturais, estéticas e ideológicas do realizador, procurando analisar as interpretações que ele mobilizou em torno do Brasil durante a vigência do regime militar. A despeito de Hirszman ter consolidado a sua trajetória como integrante do Cinema Novo, questão que percorre as páginas deste doutorado, propõe-se também uma aproximação entre a sua obra e o projeto dramatúrgico construído por autores oriundos do Teatro de Arena. Na década de 1970, face à crise que se instalou no campo cultural da esquerda, em especial o colapso da crença revolucionária anterior a 1964 e o refluxo da leitura do povo como vanguarda heroica para uma transformação do mundo, o cineasta se aproximaria do revisionismo artístico proposto, principalmente, por Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes e Vianinha. Mantendo em seus filmes uma abordagem politizada da classe popular, sem abdicar da figura do intelectual como mediador de denúncias contra a ditadura, o diretor se voltaria para uma produção em sintonia com o viés comunista de engajamento, em diálogo com a tradição do realismo crítico e disposta a elaborar narrativas e registros documentais em confronto ao autoritarismo dos militares. Nesse sentido, mesmo sem partilhar do ideário do novo sindicalismo surgido sobretudo entre os metalúrgicos da cidade paulista de São Bernardo do Campo, Hirszman deslocaria a figura do operário para o centro do processo criativo de ABC da greve e de Black-tie, representando-o em uma chave próxima à resistência articulada pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), na qual o trabalhador seria visto como parte de uma ampla frente organizada para superar a ditadura e atuar em prol da redemocratização. Uma obra realizada com o intuito de responder aos dilemas sociais de seu contexto histórico, a propor uma abordagem particular sobre a classe popular e a militância antiautoritária, a partir de leituras e experiências estéticas construídas em meio aos impasses que percorreram a esquerda política e cultural na segunda metade dos anos 1970. / The main goal of this thesis is to study Leon Hirszman\'s artistic and intellectual trajectory through the films Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979-90) and They don\'t wear black-tie (1981). Discussing the relation between film and History, the research concentrates itself on the cultural, aesthetic and ideological practices of the director, aiming to analyze his interpretations about Brazil during its military dictatorship. Despite Hirszman\'s consolidated career as a member of the Cinema Novo movement, issue that is described during this doctoral thesis, it also proposes an approach of his work with the dramaturgical project originated by authors from the Teatro de Arena. On the 1970\'s, in virtue of the crisis installed in the left wing\'s cultural sphere, specially the collapse of the revolutionary belief preceding 1964 and the retrocession of the interpretation placing the people as the heroic vanguard leading a structural transformation, the filmmaker would court the artistic revisionism proposed by Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes and Vianinha. Maintaining a politicized approach about the popular class on his films, without abdicating the image of the intellectual as a mediator of denounces against the dictatorship, the director would proceed to a production in tune with the communist\'s active participation project, establishing a dialogue with the tradition of critical realism, willing to elaborate narratives and documental registers confronting with the authoritarian way of the military. In this sense, even without sharing the ideology originated from the newly born trade unionism, especially among the steelworkers from São Bernardo do Campo\'s city, Hirszman shifted the figure of the worker, making it the core of the creative process of ABC da greve and Black-tie. In these movies, it was represented as a key-piece close to the resistance articulated by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in which it was seen as part of a large front, organized to overcome the military regime and act in favor of the country\'s redemocratization. A work realized with the intention of responding to the social dilemmas of its time, proposing a singular approach about the popular class and the anti-authoritarian militancy, originating interpretations and aesthetic experiences constructed among conflicts that filled the left-wing politic and cultural manifestations on the second half of the seventies.

華人至馬來亞的歷史相當長遠，但馬來亞華人參與馬來亞政治的運動卻從戰後才風起雲湧。1945年日本戰敗，大英帝國重拾對馬來亞的控制。1946年出現的馬來亞聯盟（或名聯邦）計畫（Malayan Union）擴大了馬來亞境內公民權的取得資格，並且中國與英國於1943年簽訂的中英新約，廢除過去英國對中國的不平等條約，中國與英國互為平等國家，此舉是否侵犯了馬來亞華人擁有的各種通商權益，立場不同的各界展開了一場激烈的論戰。1948年大英帝國毅然實施與馬來亞聯盟計畫迥然不同的馬來亞聯合邦（Federation of Malaya），短縮了公民權的取得，並且以馬來人的利益至上。面對此一變局，馬來亞華人團體各自採取了不同的管道來應變：有從政治層面下手的溫和手段，也有馬來亞共產黨的武裝暴動。在戰後初期，1940年代末的馬來亞地區經歷了種種巨大變革，華人就在這種劇烈變幻的世局中試圖力挽狂瀾，從公民權到通商權益的爭議，至1950年代馬來亞華人爭取官方語言與教育的權利，都是戰後一連串爭取政治平等運動的延續；最後1957年馬來亞獨立，今日馬來西亞華人的處境就在那時成形。

Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie politique de Paul Levi, militant marxiste qui a fait carrière en Allemagne durant la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Dès 1914, Levi incarne un courant radical à l’intérieur du Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD). Il dénonce, entre autres, aux côtés de Rosa Luxemburg l’appui du parti à l’effort militaire national. Levi s’inspire également de Lénine qu’il rencontre pour la première fois en Suisse en 1916-1917. Lorsqu’il prend les commandes du Parti communiste d’Allemagne (KPD) en 1919, Levi dirige celui-ci d’une main de fer, selon le concept du « centralisme démocratique ». Il fait également tout en son pouvoir pour faire éclater la révolution ouvrière en Allemagne afin d’installer une dictature du prolétariat qui exclurait toutes les classes non ouvrières du pouvoir. En ce sens, Levi imagine un État socialiste semblable à celui fondé par Lénine en Russie en 1917. Contrairement à l’historiographie traditionnelle, notre thèse montre conséquemment que Levi n’était guère un « socialiste démocrate ». Il était plutôt un militant marxiste qui, par son radicalisme, a contribué à diviser le mouvement ouvrier allemand ce qui, en revanche, a fragilisé la république de Weimar. Cette thèse fait également ressortir le caractère résolument rebelle de Paul Levi. Partout où il passe, Levi dénonce les politiques bourgeoises des partis non-ouvriers, mais aussi celles de la majorité des organisations dont il fait partie, c’est-à-dire les partis ouvriers de la république de Weimar et le Reichstag. Son tempérament impulsif fait de lui un homme politique isolé qui, d’ailleurs, se fait de nombreux ennemis. En 1921, à titre d’exemple, il se brouille avec d’importants bolcheviques, ce qui met fin à sa carrière au sein du KPD. Les communistes voient désormais en lui un ennemi de la classe ouvrière et mènent contre lui de nombreuses campagnes diffamatoires. Levi, de son côté, dénonce ouvertement la terreur stalinienne qui, selon lui, est en train de contaminer le mouvement communiste européen. Notre travail montre également que Levi, cette fois en tant qu’avocat juif, lutte corps et âme contre les nazis. En 1926, dans le cadre d’une commission d’enquête publique du Reichstag chargée de faire la lumière sur des meurtres politiques commis en Bavière, il tente par tous les moyens d’inculper certains criminels nazis. Levi est conséquemment la cible de la presse antisémite allemande. Il refuse toutefois de céder à l’intimidation et choisit plutôt de poursuivre en justice quelques-uns des plus importants membres du Parti nazi, dont Alfred Rosenberg et Hitler lui-même, en plus de forcer de nombreux autres nazis à comparaître devant la commission d’enquête du Reichstag. Bref, si ce travail se veut critique envers la pensée révolutionnaire de Levi, il souligne aussi l’intégrité politique de cet homme dont les convictions sont demeurées inébranlables face aux dérives criminelles des extrêmes idéologiques de son époque. / This Ph.D. thesis is a political biography of Paul Levi, a German Marxist of the interwar period. Already in 1914, Levi embodied a radical faction within the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). Alongside Rosa Luxemburg, the leader of this same left wing, he is contesting, above all, the party’s participation in the national war effort. But Levi is also inspired by Lenin, who he met in Switzerland in 1916-1917. In fact, when taking over the leadership of the German Communist Party (KPD) in March 1919, Levi ruled with an iron fist according to the theory of “democratic centralism”. As Lenin has done in Russia in October 1917, Levi also did everything in his power to promote a workers’ revolution in Germany in order to set in power a dictatorship of the proletariat, which would exclude all other social classes from sitting in the government. Consequently, in opposition to traditional historiography, this thesis shows that Levi was not a “democratic Socialist” of the Luxemburg school, but rather a Marxist whose political thought resembled that of the Bolsheviks. In fact, his action contributed to further weaken an already frail Weimar Republic and all its democratic institutions. This study also shows that Levi’s outstanding career was in large part the result of his rebellious character. Throughout his life, Levi consistently denounced the bourgeois politics of the non-workers’ parties, but he also systematically went against the majority within the political organizations in which he took part: the workers’ parties and the Reichstag. His impulsive nature set him apart as a solitary politician. In fact, Levi had many enemies. In 1921, he ran afoul of major Bolshevik leaders, which caused him to lose the leadership of the KPD. The Communists subsequently saw him as an enemy of the working class, slandering him in the press and in the Reichstag. Levi denounced, for his part, the Stalinist terror and made a mockery of the KPD, which had become, according to him, no more than a Soviet puppet. But this thesis also reveals that Levi, as a Jewish lawyer, led a major political campaign against the Nazis. In 1926, for example, as he served on a Reichstag public commission investigating Bavarian political assassinations, he tried by all possible means to charge important Nazis with murder. The Nazi press replied with a vicious anti-Semitic press campaign against him. Levi, however, refused to kneel before such intimidation and rather chose to sue important Nazi leaders, such as Alfred Rosenberg and Hitler himself before the court, in addition to summoning many others before the above-mentioned Reichstag commission. In the end, despite the fact that this study very critically evaluates Levi’s ideology, it praises his political integrity, which remained unshakable though faced with adversity and the criminal drift of the political extremes of the interwar period.

As the topic for my diploma thesis I{\crq}ve chosen The Persecution of the Zlín-district-bound Roman Catholic Church by the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in 1948 {--} 1960 from the Viewpoint of Archival Documents. I{\crq}ve set up two goals for this thesis. The primary goal of this work is to map the fates of each church organization, institution and order that were present in then Gottwaldov {--} Zlín district. The secondary goal, which serves as a complement to the primary one, is to show a fracture of the anti-church measurements, which the Gottwaldov-district-bound church was struck by, and the attitude of clergymen as well as that of laics towards them. The thesis is divided into several thematic fields, which depict individual areas of local church{\crq}s prosecution.

O objetivo central desta tese é estudar o percurso artístico e intelectual de Leon Hirszman a partir dos filmes Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979- 90) e Eles não usam black-tie (1981). Discutindo as relações entre cinema e História, a pesquisa se concentra nas práticas culturais, estéticas e ideológicas do realizador, procurando analisar as interpretações que ele mobilizou em torno do Brasil durante a vigência do regime militar. A despeito de Hirszman ter consolidado a sua trajetória como integrante do Cinema Novo, questão que percorre as páginas deste doutorado, propõe-se também uma aproximação entre a sua obra e o projeto dramatúrgico construído por autores oriundos do Teatro de Arena. Na década de 1970, face à crise que se instalou no campo cultural da esquerda, em especial o colapso da crença revolucionária anterior a 1964 e o refluxo da leitura do povo como vanguarda heroica para uma transformação do mundo, o cineasta se aproximaria do revisionismo artístico proposto, principalmente, por Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes e Vianinha. Mantendo em seus filmes uma abordagem politizada da classe popular, sem abdicar da figura do intelectual como mediador de denúncias contra a ditadura, o diretor se voltaria para uma produção em sintonia com o viés comunista de engajamento, em diálogo com a tradição do realismo crítico e disposta a elaborar narrativas e registros documentais em confronto ao autoritarismo dos militares. Nesse sentido, mesmo sem partilhar do ideário do novo sindicalismo surgido sobretudo entre os metalúrgicos da cidade paulista de São Bernardo do Campo, Hirszman deslocaria a figura do operário para o centro do processo criativo de ABC da greve e de Black-tie, representando-o em uma chave próxima à resistência articulada pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), na qual o trabalhador seria visto como parte de uma ampla frente organizada para superar a ditadura e atuar em prol da redemocratização. Uma obra realizada com o intuito de responder aos dilemas sociais de seu contexto histórico, a propor uma abordagem particular sobre a classe popular e a militância antiautoritária, a partir de leituras e experiências estéticas construídas em meio aos impasses que percorreram a esquerda política e cultural na segunda metade dos anos 1970. / The main goal of this thesis is to study Leon Hirszman\'s artistic and intellectual trajectory through the films Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979-90) and They don\'t wear black-tie (1981). Discussing the relation between film and History, the research concentrates itself on the cultural, aesthetic and ideological practices of the director, aiming to analyze his interpretations about Brazil during its military dictatorship. Despite Hirszman\'s consolidated career as a member of the Cinema Novo movement, issue that is described during this doctoral thesis, it also proposes an approach of his work with the dramaturgical project originated by authors from the Teatro de Arena. On the 1970\'s, in virtue of the crisis installed in the left wing\'s cultural sphere, specially the collapse of the revolutionary belief preceding 1964 and the retrocession of the interpretation placing the people as the heroic vanguard leading a structural transformation, the filmmaker would court the artistic revisionism proposed by Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes and Vianinha. Maintaining a politicized approach about the popular class on his films, without abdicating the image of the intellectual as a mediator of denounces against the dictatorship, the director would proceed to a production in tune with the communist\'s active participation project, establishing a dialogue with the tradition of critical realism, willing to elaborate narratives and documental registers confronting with the authoritarian way of the military. In this sense, even without sharing the ideology originated from the newly born trade unionism, especially among the steelworkers from São Bernardo do Campo\'s city, Hirszman shifted the figure of the worker, making it the core of the creative process of ABC da greve and Black-tie. In these movies, it was represented as a key-piece close to the resistance articulated by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in which it was seen as part of a large front, organized to overcome the military regime and act in favor of the country\'s redemocratization. A work realized with the intention of responding to the social dilemmas of its time, proposing a singular approach about the popular class and the anti-authoritarian militancy, originating interpretations and aesthetic experiences constructed among conflicts that filled the left-wing politic and cultural manifestations on the second half of the seventies.

Master's thesis called How Did Sports Journalism Change in Czechoslovakian Press after 1948? Comparing Periods 1945-1948 and 1953-1958 deals with the development and comparison of sports journalism in post-war Czechoslovakia and through the qualitative content analysis of three selected sports periodicals (Ruch v tělesné výchově/Ruch v tělovýchově a sportu, Stadion, Československý sport). Research focuses on media reports, graphic and language changes and organizational development of the periodicals. Secondary subjects are the fate of selected editors, the post-war development of the Sports Journalists Society and the unification of physical education movement. The author used the rich archive material of individual editions of sports periodicals and sources from the National Archives. Secondarily he used the review literature on media development and journalism after World War II, using historical monographs to analyze the historical context that is absolutely crucial to understanding post-war developments in Czechoslovakia and the press.

By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification. / Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Diploma thesis "Media and their management in the region of Pilsen 1945 - 1955" deals with media management in the Pilsen region within historical context of the first decade after the Second World War. It starts with restitution of press in May 1945 and foundation of the radio station in Pilsen. It observes restitution of the journalist organization in Pilsen, including post-war purge of journalists. Further, it describes growing influence of the communist party on media management in the Pilsen region until February 1948 when the communist party definitively gained political power in Czechoslovakia. After the so-called Victorious February, the thesis deals with another wave of purge among journalists in the Pilsen organization and abortion of non-communist press. It introduces the process of nationalization of the printing industry and new goals for journalists and media defined by the communist party. Finally, it describes the first half of the 1950s when other press restrictions and reorganizations of the printing industry in the Pilsen region took place. It presents foundation of a censorship office, the Main Board for Publishing Control (HSTD), within the management of press and radio in the Pilsen region. The thesis is a historical study which tries to approach a less documented period of...

Diplomová práce Abstract: Operation "VK" and its process in Želiv Monastery from the perspective of Náboženská matice. Master's thesis presents the fate of Želiv Monastery in 1950s caused by operation code named "VK" (monasteries deportation). Operation's purpose was to terminally prevent formation of economical and above all, cultural influence of Roman Catholic Church in recently founded Socialist country. According to unmapped documents from Náboženská matice's archive which is currently placed in National Archive in Prague, I would like to present means in which the communist regime handled monastery property, belongings and people which were interned as prisoners in the monastery. The goal of this thesis is to present profound consequences of monastery abolition using Church archive with roots of legal personality going back to reign of Joseph II. Keywords: Operation "VK", Želiv Monastery, Náboženská matice, Communism, Roman Catholic Church, Internment, Property seizure, "Church Six" Communist Party Central Committee

The study "Democrat Petr Zenkl (from teaching to the exile)" is a complex political monography of one of the most important Czechoslovak politicians, PhDr. Petr Zenkl. It focuses on his resistance to the rule of Austria-Hungary, his early activities and the beginnings of his political career, his municipal work in Prague, his participation in the governments of the First and Third Czechoslovak republic, his career in the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party and his leading role among anti-comunist exiles in the USA during the Cold War.