English abstract The use of propaganda and methods of governing and regulation of the regional press in Czechoslovakia during 1948-1956 (using the example of the guidelines of KV and OV KSČ and the region around Liberec) The presented study follows the development of censorship and the methods of media and press control in Czechoslovakia from 1948 to1953, and in particular during 1956. This study focuses mainly on the methods and processes used by the Czechoslovak Communist Party to dominate the media and how it concentrated namely on the relationship between local and regional media and the centralized governance under the powerful influence of the Czechoslovak Communist Party. After February of 1948, the mass media in Czechoslovakia took on a different role than the one it had up until that time. Even so, up until 1953, there was no official censorship office and the media fell under the jurisdiction of the Party apparatus, or alternately under the Ministries of Education, Science and Arts or Information, which accordingly managed and influenced media content. However, it was still under the curatorship of the UV Czechoslovak Communist Party, as the following work will show. As will also be shown, after February of 1948 the Communist Party was unable to gain influence over society at various levels and...

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2000Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:13:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 pomar_per_me_fran.pdf: 1438282 bytes, checksum: a6265152c06528500f8c16563f9a09c5 (MD5) / O presente trabalho examina conflito de natureza política ocorrido em 1949 em Ribeirão Preto, por ocasião do II Congresso das Câmaras Municipais do Estado de São Paulo (também chamado Congresso das Municipalidades ou Congresso Municipalista). Operação policial resultou em processo criminal contra treze vereadores de onze municípios, seis dos quais chegaram a ser presos. Todos, exceto um, eram militantes do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB), eleitos em novembro de 1947 por diferentes legendas: PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. Pretende-se demonstrar que o caso expressa a lógica repressiva liberal-conservadora, anticomunista, antinacionalista vigente no governo Dutra, à qual aderiu o governador de São Paulo, Adhemar de Barros, embora tenha sido eleito para o cargo com apoio decisivo do PCB. Procura-se descrever as atividades dos órgãos de repressão política, neste caso, destacadamente o Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS-SP); bem como analisar a ação do PCB, em particular em Ribeirão Preto, nas suas características organizativas, ideológicas e políticas. / This work examines politic nature conflict ocurred in 1949 at Ribeirão Preto City, during the São Paulo State Second Congress of City Halls (also called Congress of Municipalities). The police operation resulted in a criminal process against thirteen concillors of eleven cities, six of wich were arrested. All of them, but one, were militants of Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), elected in November 1947 by different legends, including PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. The author wants to demonstrate that this episode express the repressive logic liberal-conservative, anticommunist and antinacionalist valid in Dutra's government, used by São Paulo's governor, Adhemar de Barros, although he has been supported by PCB. The research describes the organ's activities engaged in political repression during the refered period, mainly the Departamento de Ordem Política e Social, DOPS. Also, it analyzes the organization, ideologies and political characteristcs of PCB, particulary in Ribeirão Preto City.

Submitted by Daniele Amaral (daniee_ni@hotmail.com) on 2016-09-26T17:14:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissDPS.pdf: 1200495 bytes, checksum: 66b0bf5d9abc2e447d2c64414a8a4c9c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-04T18:42:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissDPS.pdf: 1200495 bytes, checksum: 66b0bf5d9abc2e447d2c64414a8a4c9c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-04T18:42:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissDPS.pdf: 1200495 bytes, checksum: 66b0bf5d9abc2e447d2c64414a8a4c9c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-04T18:42:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissDPS.pdf: 1200495 bytes, checksum: 66b0bf5d9abc2e447d2c64414a8a4c9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-08 / Não recebi financiamento / This article debates the main theoretical presumptions which guided the actions of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) along over six decades of existence. The objective of the research is to comprehend the historical conceptual elements which affected PCB‘s guidelines throughout the decades. "Agrarismo e Industrialismo", first analytical article written by Octávio Brandão in 1924, marks the beginning of such complex relation between theory and practice at PCB (Brazilian Communist Party), also working as starting point for this thesis. The essay "A Democracia Como Valor Universal", by Carlos Nelson Coutinho, 1979, became the finishing line, for having become an overview of the Marxism interpretative diversification which framed the left-wing‘s way of thought at the time. Therefore, "A Democracia Como Valor Universal" represented a more qualified attempt to justify a country that became compound and the need for the Brazilian Communist Party of dealing with the "democratic matter". Contradictorily, it was one of the symbols of the death of the historical PCB, when the 1980 organic crisis would lead to the foundation of PPS (Popular Socialist Party). / Esta obra discute os principais pressupostos teóricos que nortearam as ações do Partido Comunista Brasileiro em mais de seis décadas de existência. O objetivo da pesquisa é compreender os elementos histórico-conceituais que influíram na construção das linhas orientadoras do PCB ao longo das décadas. Agrarismo e Industrialismo, primeiro texto analítico escrito por Octávio Brandão em 1924, marca o início desta complexa relação entre teoria e prática no PCB, servindo também como ponto de partida desta dissertação. Como ponto de chegada, tomou-se o ensaio A democracia como valor universal, de Carlos Nelson Coutinho, de 1979, por ter se tornado um texto síntese da diversificação interpretativa do marxismo, que marcou o pensamento da esquerda daquele período. Por esse motivo, A democracia representou uma tentativa mais qualificada de explicar um país que se complexificava e a necessidade do PC brasileiro em lidar com a "questão democrática". Contraditoriamente, foi um dos símbolos do início do ocaso do PCB histórico, quando a crise orgânica dos anos 1980 resultaria na fundação do PPS (Partido Popular Socialista).

A presente dissertação tem como objeto a análise das propostas de política econômica do Partido comunista italiano de 1943 a 1947. O período analisado marca a transição do regime fascista à construção da república democrática e representa a única experiência de governo do partido ao longo de sua história. A partir do debate sobre o capitalismo italiano desenvolvido pelo partido, a pesquisa buscou identificar algumas das razões que originaram o fracasso de sua ação nos governos de unidade nacional num dos períodos que, por outro lado, registrou um forte enraizamento social do partido. Destacou-se, principalmente, o instrumental teórico subjacente à estratégia adoptada pelos comunistas italianos neste período, a democracia progressiva, como instrumento privilegiado para realizar a via italiana ao socialismo, uma alternativa ao processo revolucionário da Rússia de 1917 e ao mesmo tempo não assimilável à tradição da socialdemocracia europeia. Buscou-se detectar os entraves e as aporias teóricas que tal estratégia colocou na atuação governamental do partido, em particular no que diz respeito à elaboração de duas substanciais reformas, agrária e industrial. Identificou-se no moderantismo do partido a incapacidade de formular mantendo-se dentro da teoria marxista, mas ao mesmo tempo afastando-se do socialismo soviético um claro projeto econômico alternativo às propostas e projetos de reformas de tipo keynesiano que no mesmo período outros países europeus experimentavam. / This dissertation focuses the analysis on economic policy proposals of the Italian Communist Party from 1943 to 1947. The sample period marks the transition from the Fascist regime to the construction of a democratic republic and represent the only government experience of the party throughout its history. From the debate about capitalism development by the Italian party, the survey tried to identify some of the reasons that led to the failure of his action in national unity governments in a period, on the other hand, that recorded a strong social roots of the party. The survey highlighted mainly the theoretical tool underlying the strategy adopted by the Italian Communists in this period, the \"progressive democracy\" as a privileged instrument to perform the \"italian way to socialism\", an alternative to the revolutionary process of russian 1917 and at the same time different from the tradition of European social democracy. We attempted to detect obstacles and theoretical aporias that such a strategy put in the party´s performance in the government implementation, in particular with regard to the development of two substantial reforms, the agrarian and industrial ones. The research identified in the \"moderantismo\" party\'s the inability to formulate in a marxist theory perspective, but at the same time moving away from Soviet socialism - a clear alternative economic project to keynesian proposals and reform projects type that in the same period other European countries were experiencing.

This thesis is in the field of Industrial Relations. It concerns a micro-level investigation of the dynamics of public sector industrial relations in post-apartheid South Africa. It focuses on the Tripartite Alliance between the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and explores what the Alliance relationship has meant for the traditional roles of employees and their representatives on the one hand, and employers and their representatives on the other. The thesis examines the political, organisational and societal contradictions and implications for COSATU public sector union affiliates and their members in their relationship to the ANC as an ally (via the Alliance) and the context in which ANC members form part of management (in government). The South African Municipal Workers’ Union (SAMWU) was used as an archetype of a COSATU public sector union affiliate that engages with the State as employer at the municipal level. It is a case study of Makana Local Municipality (Eastern Cape Province, South Africa) using qualitative research techniques and content analysis to derive the relevant information. The author conducted a series of in-depth interviews of key informants and observations at Makana Local Municipality were done. Based on the empirical data obtained from the investigation, the thesis argues that the traditional roles in the employment relationship at the workplace have been affected by the political alliance. Industrial relations roles have become increasingly vague especially since many within local government share ANC/SACP memberships with members of the trade union. The study also highlights that within an increasingly globalising post-apartheid environment, the Alliance provides mixture of benefits and challenges for workplace negotiations and employment relations in ways that macro-level analyses of employer-employee relationships do not always capture.

This thesis aims to make sense of Left politics in South Africa within the Tri-partite Alliance between the ANC, SACP and COSATU. The thesis focuses on developments in the Eastern Cape, between 2000 and 2008. The thesis describes the prevalent forms of Left politics in the Eastern Cape and the tendencies in the Alliance that organise this Left. The thesis also examines the historical, social and political conditions and that shape the form and content of Left politics in the province. Based on a survey of literature on what is considered the core manifestations of Left politics globally in the 20th Century Left politics is defined as the elements of the political spectrum that are concerned with the progressive resolution of involuntary disadvantage and with a goal of abolishing class society and capitalism. Although the Alliance as a whole should be seen to be on the Left on an international political spectrum, this thesis argues that the Left/Right dichotomy is useful for understanding the politics of the Alliance, as long as the second part of this definition is taken into consideration. The Alliance Left is understood as those leaders and activists within the Alliance that have the SACP and Cosatu as their operating base. It will be argued that this Left is, in its practice, largely concerned with what insiders refer to as politics of „influence‟, rather than with politics of „structural transformation‟. It is the ANC that is the leader of the Alliance and the party in government and thus it is on the terrain of ANC strategy, policy and positions that contestation in the Alliance plays itself out. Thus, for the Left, there is strength in the idea of the Alliance. However, there are significant theoretical and political weaknesses in the Left that undermine the possibility of making good use of various corporatist platforms to pursue the agenda of the Left in the Eastern Cape. There is also increased contestation within the Alliance Left itself about the continued usefulness of this strategy.

The dissertation Topic of popular music in the local press of contemporary Karlovy Vary region in the period 1957 - 1967 attempts to capture the process of official views presented in the regional press between the years 1957 - 1967 in the territory of today's Karlovy Vary Region on various genres of modern music, represented by mainstream dance music which later evolved into popular music. Articles, reviews and critiques relevant to modern music published in newspapers in area of Karlovy Vary and specialist publications dedicated to particular cultural issues in the region was used for the research. Furthermore, it was primarily jazz and rock music in Czechoslovakia known as big beat (bigbít). The introduction deals with the theoretical and methodological issues appropriate to the topic and their possible use. The next part deals with the social and cultural context in Czechoslovakia at that time, the influence of ideology on culture and simultaneously on releasing in art and society during the 1960s. An overview of contextualization within postwar (World War II) official press, the situation regarding modern music in Karlovy Vary regional press in the period 1948 - 1956 and also archival documents that are related to the topic of work are mentioned in the second part. The third part deals with...

Title Traitors or Victims? Contribution to the mentality of the Czech resistance fighters in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Abstract The thesis presents four resistance fighters from COM D's group in extreme situations. In these situations the thesis monitors their mentality. The term mentality refers to a way of thinking, which shows the behavior of the person concerned. Paratroopers of this group have not yet been given enough attention, work contributes to the detection of pre-war and post- war fates of paratroopers. Thesis offers, based on acquired information on the socio- demographic backgrounds, political orientation, and also on how a parachutist were handled by the Gestapo, comparing their behavior in crucial situations. Keywords III. illegal Central Committee of the Communist Party, the Gestapo, KOM D, an informer, mentality, resistance, paratrooper, Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.

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