Annotation: Michal Zítek: Break aways parties of KSČ(M) The aim was to provide a comprehensive view of the political entities that arose by splitting from the KSČ(M). Labour will introduce the development of individual and maternal conditions that give rise to the emergence of new parties. Work presents the development of individual parties, their basic program points, and leading figures.

This diploma thesis focuses on the appropriate and effective use of film and serial adaptations of topics falling into the period of communist totalitarianism in Czechoslovakia (that is between 1948 and 1989, with emphasis on the period 1948-1969). The thesis is divided into four chapters, whereas the main part, which is didactic, is described in the third and fourth chapter. The first chapter describes the basic historical context of the communist government in Czechoslovakia between 1948 and 1989. It also shows and explains the origin of the idea of communism, the further development of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia during the First Republic, and the postwar Third Republic. This chapter was put together using found edited sources and secondary literature. The second chapter deals with individual film and serial processing of topics related to the period. It presents specific films and series which were produced in the most recent years (or the post-revolutionary period), but also materials produced during the totalitarianism before 1989. In this chapter some works are discussed in greater detail, others are presented as selected alternative options for interaction for educational purposes. The third chapter summarizes the didactic and historical potential of the discussed topic, it also...

The topic of this diplomma work is how Czechoslovakian social democratic party was described during preelection period in 1946 in newspapers Rude pravo and Svobodne noviny. The text aims to introduce the topic of the way how Czechoslovakian social democratic party (ČSD) is reflected in contemporary press: Svobodne noviny and Rude pravo. The Constituent Assembly ellections at 26. May 1946 were for a long time period the Last elections, which could have been called democratic. The communist party got 40,17% of votes and entered the government for the first time in history. This issue has not been satisfactorily elaborated yet. The thesis is divided into two main parts, the first one being theoretical and the second analytic. First, I describe the general situation in the post-WWII Czechoslovakia and the position of the Social Democracy. In the second part, I provide a characteristic of the analyzed newspapers and discuss the articles in order to verify the hypothesis.

The thesis deals with the Czechoslovak communist politician Gustáv Husák in connection with the cause of the Slovak bourgeois nationalism. It is structured chronologically, sometimes interspersed with thematic areas. It draws from a wide variety of sources. The prevailing approach is positivistic and analytical. The aim is to explain the emergence of the cause of the Slovak bourgeois nationalism and the way in which Husák was incorporated into it. The work points to a pivotal link with the international context and reveals poor relations between leading Party officials. Furthermore, the thesis raises issues of Husák's political fall, fabricated charges, imprisonment and subsequently the complexity of the rehabilitation process, at the end of which Husák's Communist Party membership was restored and a further political career remained a possibility. Additionally, the text tries to consider to a large extent the social relations between different participants and understand their motives of behavior. All of this is also put into perspective with respect to Czech-Slovak relations, which were significantly influenced by the aforementioned cause. The intention of the work deliberately exceeds the biographical theme.

The thesis "The Novinář Publishing House Profile" deals with the establishment, structure and production of Novinář publishing house. The first part of the thesis describes the historical events and implications that preceded the creation of Novinář and that had an impact on its activity. A separate chapter refers to conditions and circumstances of publishing specialized books and periodicals for journalists, i. e. the legislature in force and authorities that made decisions regarding the establishment of publishing houses, the editorial work of organizations and the content of books and other publications. One part of the thesis deals also with the education of journalists (through courses, newly established university studies), enhancing their expertise and qualification and the quality of their work, as well as with the related need for specialized publications for journalists and other reasons that led to the creation of Novinář publishing house. The second part of the thesis describes the establishment and operation of Novinář publishing house, its organizational structure and editorial and publishing work (books, journals, other publications). The last chapter presents important people that were involved in creation and operation of the publishing house (the directors).

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / This thesis examines the role of paramilitary forces in the counterinsurgency operations being launched by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) against the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People's Army (NPA). The Philippine government and the AFP firmly believe that the present Civilian Armed Force Geographical Unit Active Auxiliary (CAA) is an essential component of the AFP's Operational clear-hold-support methodology. Many scholars have argued that separating the Communist guerrillas from the populace is an important element in winning the counterinsurgency campaign. Isolating the Communist insurgents is done through the creation of local militia. However, some authors contend it would be dangerous for any government to train paramilitary forces because, in the long term, the governments are unsure of the future loyalties of these paramilitary forces. They may currently be working for the government, but as they work and gain skills, these paramilitary forces could use these same skills against the government in the future. Thus, it is quite dangerous to train paramilitary forces. The Philippine paramilitaries are good examples of paramilitary forces being used effectively for counterinsurgency. Their primary task of protecting the communities and the people from the coercive and abusive acts of the Communist insurgents are achieved. They are an effective counterinsurgency force because of proper training as well as command and control. This thesis concludes that the Philippine government and the AFP are headed in the right operational direction for utilizing paramilitary forces for village defense and as the protectors of the people. The paramilitary forces in the Philippines need the proper training as well as command and control in order to make these paramilitary forces effective counterinsurgency forces. / Colonel, Philippine Army

Als eine der ersten ihrer Art außerhalb Europas war die Kommunistische Partei Indiens (CPI) bei der Ausbreitung des Marxismus jenseits des europäischen Rahmens vorne mit dabei. Zu ihren prägenden Einflüssen zählten die sowjetische Praxis der Revolutionsjahre und zeitgenössische radikale Spielarten des Nationalismus in Britisch-Indien. Von Beginn an musste sie sich unter Bedingungen behaupten, denen in der Theorie wenig Beachtung zugekommen war – zuvorderst der ungebrochenen Bedeutung von Religion und Gemeinschaft für das politische und soziale Leben des Subkontinents. Die Arbeit untersucht zunächst anhand der Werke von Marx, Engels und Lenin sowie der Komintern den theoretischen und organisatorischen ‚Überbau‘ der CPI auf den Stellenwert von Religion in einem parteikommunistischen Emanzipationsgefüge. In der Folge widmet sie sich den oft biografisch eingefärbten Ansätzen und Strategien der Partei und ihrer Mitglieder, unter dem Primat der ‚Politik für die Masse‘ mit den Verhältnissen auf dem Subkontinent umzugehen. Sie beleuchtet kommunistische Perspektiven auf Revolution anhand konkreter Fälle wie dem passiven Widerstand Gandhis, dem Moplah-Aufstand, der Arbeiterschaft, religiösem Kommunalismus und dem erstarkenden Gemeinschaftsgefühl religiöser Gruppen. Es zeigt sich, dass die Partei beständig zwischen qualifizierter Ablehnung und bedingter Unterstützung religiöser Kultur schwankte, die schematisch zwei divergierende und seit der russischen Revolution erkennbare revolutionäre Paradigmen bilden: ein westliches und ein östliches. Der in Letzterem kondensierte Strang politischer Tradition ermöglichte es schließlich, dass der Partei die Unterstützung für die Pakistanforderung der Muslim League in den 1940er Jahren plausibel erschien. / Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational ‘overhead’ of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern. The specific tradition condensed in the latter eventually would render it plausible to the party to support the Muslim League’s Pakistan demand in the 1940s.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto a análise das propostas de política econômica do Partido comunista italiano de 1943 a 1947. O período analisado marca a transição do regime fascista à construção da república democrática e representa a única experiência de governo do partido ao longo de sua história. A partir do debate sobre o capitalismo italiano desenvolvido pelo partido, a pesquisa buscou identificar algumas das razões que originaram o fracasso de sua ação nos governos de unidade nacional num dos períodos que, por outro lado, registrou um forte enraizamento social do partido. Destacou-se, principalmente, o instrumental teórico subjacente à estratégia adoptada pelos comunistas italianos neste período, a democracia progressiva, como instrumento privilegiado para realizar a via italiana ao socialismo, uma alternativa ao processo revolucionário da Rússia de 1917 e ao mesmo tempo não assimilável à tradição da socialdemocracia europeia. Buscou-se detectar os entraves e as aporias teóricas que tal estratégia colocou na atuação governamental do partido, em particular no que diz respeito à elaboração de duas substanciais reformas, agrária e industrial. Identificou-se no moderantismo do partido a incapacidade de formular mantendo-se dentro da teoria marxista, mas ao mesmo tempo afastando-se do socialismo soviético um claro projeto econômico alternativo às propostas e projetos de reformas de tipo keynesiano que no mesmo período outros países europeus experimentavam. / This dissertation focuses the analysis on economic policy proposals of the Italian Communist Party from 1943 to 1947. The sample period marks the transition from the Fascist regime to the construction of a democratic republic and represent the only government experience of the party throughout its history. From the debate about capitalism development by the Italian party, the survey tried to identify some of the reasons that led to the failure of his action in national unity governments in a period, on the other hand, that recorded a strong social roots of the party. The survey highlighted mainly the theoretical tool underlying the strategy adopted by the Italian Communists in this period, the \"progressive democracy\" as a privileged instrument to perform the \"italian way to socialism\", an alternative to the revolutionary process of russian 1917 and at the same time different from the tradition of European social democracy. We attempted to detect obstacles and theoretical aporias that such a strategy put in the party´s performance in the government implementation, in particular with regard to the development of two substantial reforms, the agrarian and industrial ones. The research identified in the \"moderantismo\" party\'s the inability to formulate in a marxist theory perspective, but at the same time moving away from Soviet socialism - a clear alternative economic project to keynesian proposals and reform projects type that in the same period other European countries were experiencing.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Elisa de Campos Borges.pdf: 1412193 bytes, checksum: fd072ab9f580785ade3a76850fa6a1fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-10-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work have as purpose to know, to comprehend and to attend the effort for the introduction of the project the chilean way to socialism idealized by the Communist Party of Chile. This project has purposed the passage from chilean capitalist regime to socialism based on the maintance of the establishment, without insurrections or armed conflicts. Such formulation had a great repercussion in the political project of the Popular Unity, wich had conducted Salvador Allende to Presidency of the Republic in 1970. To accomplish this research it was made use of a bibliography as source about the Popular Unity and about the subject of our research, many documents from the Communist Party, and personal witness by the same way, which constitutes oral source for the studies in History. In the Introduction, we had made a characterization from the Communist Party and from the original project of this research, that will be separated into the first and the second chapters, such as a chilean political and economical contextualization. In Chapter I we had upraised some arguments occurred about the peaceful way to socialism. We had tried even to identify the political development of the Comunist Party along it s policy of alliances and it s fundaments in several presidential elections. In Chapter II we looked forward to reflect how the mentioned questions from the past Chapter will influence the formulation of The Chilean Revolution, it s repercussions among the left-side parties and the for the Popular Unity consolidation to face the 1970´s elections. In Chapter III then we looked forward to analyze, from the Communist Party documents written between 1970 and 1973, the political behavior of the Party in the Alludes government quotidian / Este trabalho tem como proposta conhecer, compreender e acompanhar o esforço para a implantação do projeto via chilena ao socialismo , idealizado pelo Partido Comunista do Chile. Este projeto propunha a passagem do regime capitalista chileno para o socialista a partir da manutenção da institucionalidade, sem insurreições ou luta armada. Essa formulação teve uma grande repercussão no projeto político da Unidade Popular que levou à Presidência da República Salvador Allende em 1970. Para realizar essa pesquisa foram utilizadas como fonte uma bibliografia sobre a Unidade Popular e sobre o nosso objeto de pesquisa, diversos documentos do PC, assim como depoimentos pessoais que se constituem fonte oral para estudos da História. Na introdução, realizamos uma caracterização do PC e do projeto que se desdobrará no primeiro e segundo capítulo, assim como uma contextualização do sistema econômico e político chileno. No Capítulo I levantamos algumas discussões realizadas sobre a via pacífica ao socialismo. Também procuramos identificar o desenvolvimento político do Partido Comunista através da sua política de alianças e seus fundamentos em diversas eleições presidenciais. Procuramos no Capítulo II refletir como as questões apontadas no capítulo anterior vão influenciar na formulação da Revolução Chilena, sua repercussão entre os partidos de esquerda e a consolidação da Unidade Popular para disputar as eleições de 1970. No Capítulo III procuramos então, analisar a partir dos documentos partidários do PC escrito entre 1970 e 1973, o comportamento político desse partido no cotidiano do governo Allende

“The post-apartheid Left is a group of people whose values and visions go way beyond apartheid, in fact, go right back to the 19th century Europe, in the final analysis, and perhaps even earlier, to people like Marx and Engels and so on, to a vision of an industrial and even post-industrial world, in which human beings would live in harmony without exploitation, without oppression, and not merely without racial exploitation, in other words also without class exploitation, without gender oppression and so on.” - Dr Neville Alexander, May 1997.