This dissertation thesis addresses the history of public relations of the Communist Party in Czechoslovakia in Pardubice district. It is focussed at the period of so-called normalization. Firstly, it discusses the historical context of the time for understanding the crisis of the system in 70s and 80s. The first chapters describe so-called Prague spring and military invasion in August 1968. Next chapters stress changes in politics and media after the election of Gustáv Husák to become First Secretary of the Communist Party in April, 1969. The second part of text is case study about Pardubice district. The main topic of dissertation thesis are newspaper of Pardubice district - Zář. But there are also chapters about radio, factory newspaper, regional Union of Czech Journalists or College in Pardubice and editors of student magazine. In the second part of case study attention is focussed on cultural section of newspaper Zář and its main topics - for example political anniversaries and the role of culture. In cultural section I analyze which information and how they were, or were not presented to public. Supervision and control over the media content was one of the main regime's tools to take over the culture area and its presentation.

Entre 1947 et 1964, Maurice Thorez, secrétaire général du Parti communiste français, assiste à 381 réunions du Bureau politique et prend des notes pendant la plupart d'entre elles. Présentant une édition critique des notes de cinq années cruciales pour le PCF, ce travail définit le rôle du Bureau politique comme groupe dirigeant dans le processus décisionnel au sein du parti communiste français. Il s'est agi de montrer comment, en s'appuyant sur les notes de Maurice Thorez et en les mettant en relation avec les autres sources disponibles, le Bureau politique joue le rôle de médiateur à la direction du PCF. Composé de dirigeants sélectionnés selon des critères précis spécifiques à une organisation communiste, loyaux envers l'URSS et leur secrétaire général, il se réunit au moins une fois chaque semaine pour traiter principalement de l'actualité politique, intérieure comme extérieure, mais aussi du mouvement communiste international, ainsi que des sujets de prédilection du parti communiste: mouvement de la paix, luttes syndicales et catégories sociales par exemple. Même si, souvent, la ligne est tracée par l'URSS, Maurice Thorez se charge de l'adapter au cadre national et il a besoin, pour ce faire, du Bureau politique. Celui-ci nourrit et enrichit sa réflexion, lui sert de vecteur de transmission. Il est une interface indispensable entre le secrétaire général, relais du mouvement communiste international, et la base militante communiste représentée par le Comité central. / Between 1947 and 1964, Maurice Thorez, general secretary of the French Communist Party (PCF), attended 381 meetings of the Politburo and took notes during most of them. This work reports commented notes of five crucial years for the PCF and defines the role of the Politburo as the directing organ in the decision-making process of the PCF. Relying on Maurice Thorez' notes and relating them to other available sources, the purpose was to demonstrate how the Politburo played a mediation role at the direction of the party. Composed of leaders selected on precise criteria, specific to communist organizations, faithful to the USSR and to their general secretary, the Politburo used to meet at least once a week for talking mainly about the political context - national and international, but also for discussing the international communist movement and brother parties, as well as favourite subjects of the communist party, i.e. the movement for peace, union struggles or social classes for instance. Even if the guidelines were often drawn by the USSR, Maurice Thorez used 10 adapt them to the French context, with the help of the Politburo. The latter fed and enriched the general secretary's thoughts and acted as a transmission vehicle. It was an essential intermediary between the general secretary, representing the international communist movement, and the grassroots represented by the Central Committee.

Cette étude retrace l’historique des luttes ouvrières à Billancourt depuis les années 50, dans leur rapport à la politique communiste, alors que domine un modèle militant communiste porté par les ouvriers qualifiés. Elle met en évidence et analyse les facteurs cachés des transformations affectant les différents conflits, et les identités ouvrières qui s’y manifestent. La domination du modèle communiste des années 50, ébranlée par la dynamique des conflits des années 1968, est portée par les ouvriers spécialisés. Cette dynamique est activée par les transformations du travail engagées dans les décennies antérieures. Leur insubordination, leur contestation du travail et du racisme, la force des grèves bouchon, contrarient la politique du PCF. L’initiative de la rupture de 1977, au sein de la gauche, témoigne de l’échec de l’ambition du PCF de rester le parti dirigeant. En 1981, le PCF mise en vain sur la réussite d’une participation gouvernementale non souhaitée. Cette participation déçoit les ouvriers, activant les contradictions de son corps militant. Alors, le monde de l’usine se défait. La centralité ouvrière et le concept de classe ont perdu toute capacité opératoire, cependant que la politique communiste de particularisation catégorielle est impuissante à endiguer une «balkanisation» politique du salariat. Des désaccords violents éclatent dans les sections, et se manifestent dans l’usine par des pratiques divergentes. La campagne radicale pour les «dix de Billancourt», les propositions d’alternatives gestionnaires, échouent. Les liens entre le parti et les ouvriers sont distendus, laissant les immigrés seuls et impuissants face aux suppressions d’emplois. / This thesis retraces the history of the workers’ conflicts at Billancourt starting in the 1950ies in their connection with the communists’ policies, dominant at the time, and carried out by the skilled workers. It highlights and analyses the hidden factors of the transformations that affect the different conflicts and the worker identities that manifest themselves in these conflicts. The domination of the communist model of the 50ies, destabilized by the dynamics of the conflicts of the years around 1968, was the work of the skilled workers. This dynamism was stimulated by the transformation of work engaged upon in the previous decades. Their insubordination, their protests about work and racism, the strength of the blockade strikes, thwart the French communist party policy oriented towards the union from the unskilled workers to the engineer. The initiative of the rupture, in 1977, of the left, attested to the failure of the PCF’s ambition to remain the leading party. In 1981, the PCF counted in vain on a successful, but unwished for, participation in the government. This participation disappointed the workers, activating contradictions within its militant corps. The factory world dislocated. Working class centrality and class concept had lost all operational reality, while the communist policy of categorical particularization was powerless to stem a political "balkanisation" of wage earners. Violent disagreements broke out in the sections, and were seen in the factory by divergent practices. The radical campaign for the "ten of Billancourt", proposals for alternative management, failed. The ties between the party and the workers were weakened, leaving the immigrants alone and helpless in the face of job suppressions.

A produção artística de Patrícia Galvão possui uma matriz política na qual a teoria e a prática comunista se entrelaçam à experiência modernista. Confrontada com a trajetória da autora, a estrita consonância de seu livro de estreia com as palavras de ordem do PCB nos permite reconhecer e avaliar tensões, conflitos e impasses da esquerda brasileira. A figuração do outro, no caso, o proletariado emergente pós-revolução de 1930, e as dificuldades do escritor, ou intelectual, em lidar com esta matéria são chaves importantes de nossa análise. O estudo de Parque industrial (1933), tanto de suas características internas quanto de seu lugar na história do modernismo brasileiro, ocupa a maior parte desta dissertação. / Patrícia Galvão\'s artistic work has a political framework in which communist theory and practice are intertwined with the modernist experience. Taking into consideration the author´s trajectory, the strict correspondence between her first book and PCB\'s watchwords allows us to recognize and evaluate tensions, conflicts and dilemmas of the Brazilian left-wing. The figuration of the other, in this case, the emerging proletariat after the 1930 revolution, and the difficulties faced by the writer, or intellectual, in dealing with this matter play a key role in our analysis. The study of Parque industrial (1933), both in its internal characteristics and in its place in the history of Brazilian modernism, occupies most of this work.

前人學者對於早期中國共產黨的研究，大多從第三國際輸出共產主義到中國的角度進行，自然強調了中蘇兩個共產之間在意識形態的影響及其作用，而忽略蘇俄對華政策如何影響中國共產黨（以下簡稱「中共」）的成立活動及其黨內路線變化的層面，包括蘇俄對中共的支援，本文集中探討此一過去學界所忽略的問題側面－－蘇俄對中共含有現實政治的動機與目的。 因此，本文主旨在於論析1917年10月革命後至1923年 1月為止，蘇俄的對華政策及蘇俄與中共間的互動關係。透過此論析，吾人欲加以論證者有以下兩點： 第一，中共的創立包括其主要路線的變化及大部分的活動，皆是在蘇俄的亞洲戰略以及對華政策的影響下進行。 第二，蘇俄接觸並支援中共，只是其亞洲戰略及對華政策的一個環節，並非只在於擴散共產主義理念的單一目的而已。 本文除導言及結論外，主體為參章。第壹章，闡明蘇俄於10月革命後，列寧政權如何從對外政策轉為現實路線，並闡述蘇俄對華政策的動機與其過程：第貳章，探討中共的創立及其活動與蘇俄在華工作的對應關係（functional relation）:第參章，論析中共自第一次全國代表大會（1921年7月）後開始至1923年1月「孫中山與越飛聯合宣言」為止的期間，中共政治路線及其發展因受到蘇俄對華政策影響的演變過程。

北極地區因蘊藏豐富之石油、天然氣、自然資源及煤、鐵、銅、鈾等礦產資源，加上因特殊地理位置決定其全球性戰略地位，引起美、俄、加、丹麥、挪威等北極國家與其他非北極國家之爭奪，尤其在全球油氣資源日趨匱乏的今天，被稱為「第二個中東」的北極價值日益顯現； 北極之於人類價值有四重—環境、軍事、資源和航道，而中共為維護其國家經濟生存命脈之北海航道航行權及全球戰略地位之維護，而積極參與北極事物之國際活動。 吾人乃針對中共參與北冰洋區域事務博弈之利弊得失等面向進行分析與探討，並發現當前中共面臨之障礙，包括北冰洋沿岸國家試圖阻撓非北冰洋沿岸國家進入北極地區、缺乏對中共有利的國際協調機制平臺、缺乏足夠的科研資訊儲備與冰海航運船舶等限制。 此外，吾人另對北極事務主要競逐國之積極作為進行分析，並提出中共未來應對北極事務可能採取之因應作為，包括加大利用現有國際法中有利條款，維護中共的北冰洋航運權益、提升中共對北極事務的制度性參與力度、積極維護北冰洋航道的公海航運自由等，作為中共爭奪北海權益之準備作為等結論。 　　同時，吾人認為中共將持續加大對北極區域事務關注力度、決不允許淪為他國之制約地位，而威脅自身經濟、安全地位之發展；尤其中共對北極海海域劃界問題之主張，具有成為未來中共於東海劃界問題與西南海域劃界問題之參考，實為我方關注要點。 當前，我國與中共的關係，雖有所緩和，但從大的戰略方向上，中共在國際上對臺灣仍持續加以打壓，孤立臺灣，因此對臺灣而言，須瞭解中共在國際戰略中的各種作為，包括對北極事務採取的戰略為何？才能有所因應。 / Because of the Arctic region is rich in oil, natural gas, and natural resources because of the special geographical position with its global strategic position, cause the United States, Russia, Canada, Denmark, Norway and other countries and other Arctic the Arctic National Competition, especially in the global oil and gas resources shortage today, polar value appears day by day; the Arctic on the human value of four heavy environment, military, resource and channel, and the Communist Party of China to maintain its national economy lifeblood of Beihai waterway navigation rights and the maintenance of global strategic position, and actively participate in international activities in the Arctic. It is aimed at China's participation in the Arctic region affairs the pros and cons of the game were analyzed and discussed, and found that the current CPC faced obstacles, including the Arctic coastal States trying to thwart the Arctic coastal states into the Arctic, the lack of the favorable international coordination mechanism, the lack of adequate scientific research platform information reserve and ice shipping limited. In addition, one another on the Arctic affairs mainly competing country actively as carries on the analysis, and proposed the future Arctic affairs may adopt coping as, including the increased use of existing international law the favourable terms, maintenance of Arctic shipping interests, enhance the north polar affairs system involved in active maintenance efforts, Arctic waterway the free shipping, as the battle for Beihai interests of the prepared as a conclusion. At the same time, we believe that China will continue to increase the intensity of concern, regional affairs must not be allowed to become his country's restrictive position, threatening its economic, safety status of development; especially on the Arctic sea delimitation of advocates, has become the future of Yu Donghai and southwest of delimitation of maritime boundary delimitation of reference, it is for me square key points. At present, China's relations with the CPC, although alleviate somewhat, but from the strategic direction of the Communist Party of China in international, Taiwan continued to be suppressed, isolated Taiwan, so in the case of Taiwan, must understand China in international strategy in various as, including the Arctic affairs strategy? To help with.

欲探尋中共和知識份子的關係，必先回顧其歷史發展。早在1940年代，中共已藉由「整風運動」，發展出一套「馴服」和「利用」知識份子的辦法。1949年中共建立新政權，更將此邏輯推及全國，對於當代中國知識份子而言，無疑是一巨大變化與挑戰。 　　胡風，作為一位與中共關係密切的作家、知識份子，其政治立場向來親共，乃被中共視為「同路人」。儘管如此，胡風仍有諸多意見，未能與中共全然契合。1954年，胡風向中共中央遞交「萬言書」，直陳中共文藝政策的缺失。1955年，毛澤東欽定「胡風反革命集團」一案，胡風和友人多遭逮捕、審查，並牽連甚廣。胡風一派因言獲罪，堪稱中共建政以來首宗「文字獄」，亦為重大政治冤獄。 　　本研究以胡風事件為主軸，圍繞胡風其人進行個案研究。第一章為導論，簡述本文研究動機，以及當代以來中國知識份子的思想變化。第貳章、第叁章為胡風之個人歷史，描述胡風求學、出洋、創作、涉入政治的人生歷程，作為討論胡風事件的背景介紹。第肆章為主文，詳述胡風事件的原委，進一步探討胡風事件的成因，分析中共黨政高層（特別是毛澤東）所扮演之關鍵決策角色，藉此釐清其政治責任。第伍章結論，為筆者的研究心得和展望。透過胡風事件的探究，筆者針對毛澤東的個人權威、中共與知識份子的特殊關係，以及中共政治文化提出檢討。 / To realize the relationship between the CCP and the intellectuals, we should review the historical development. Early in the 1940s, the CCP has already progressed the method of “using” the intellectuals. In 1949, the new regime was built by the CCP. Furthermore, they spread this strategy to whole mainland. Obviously, it was a big change and challenge to the contemporary Chinese intellectuals. Hu Feng, as an intellectual and a “comrade”, whose political position had been closed to the CCP. However, Hu Feng still had some opinions which differ from the CCP. In 1954, Hu Feng submitted his proposal which criticizing the CCP’s literature and art policy. In 1955, Mao ZeDong judged this case as “Hu Feng counterrevolutionary group”. After that, Hu Feng and his companions were arrested and investigated by the government. The Hu Feng Incident seemed to be such a literary persecution and injustice case. 　　This research mainly focuses on the Hu Feng Incident. Firstly, Chapter 1 is the “Introduction”, which introduces the reasons of this research and the changing thought of modern Chinese intellectuals. Secondly, the focus of Chapter 2 is the life course and career pattern of Hu Feng. Chapter3 is the narration of the big change to the intellectuals on 1949. Chapter 4, which includes the main idea of this research, not only analyzes the causes of the Hu Feng Incident, but also seeks the crucial role of Mao. In Conclusion, Chapter 5 summarized the reflection and the vision upon this research. The writer reviews Mao’s personal authority and the political culture of the CCP. Finally, the special relationship between the CCP and the Chinese intellectuals will still be a major issue, that will need further study on it.

Thesis (M.Soc.Sc. (Sociology)) - Rhodes University, 2007.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação investigou as concepções do Secretariado Sul-Americano (SSA), órgão da Internacional Comunista (IC), com sede na Argentina, e analisou relações entre este órgão e o Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB). Esta pesquisa foi realizada através do estudo dos textos da revista La Correspondencia Sudamericana, a revista oficial do SSA, publicada entre 1926 e 1930. A partir deste estudo foram identificadas as concepções do SSA no que tange às atividades parlamentar, sindical, de propaganda e agitação revolucionárias, e em relação à tática da frente única proletária. Analisou-se a dominação exercida pelo SSA em relação ao PCB, assim como a reformulação e radicalização que perpassara este órgão entre 1928 e 1930. Investigou-se a crise do SSA que se ligara, diretamente, à crise do Partido Comunista da Argentina (1927) e à atuação do então editor da revista La Correspondencia Sudamericana e vereador de Buenos Aires, Fernando José Penelón. Analisou-se ainda as leituras realizadas pelos comunistas brasileiros acerca da realidade nacional, as questões que envolveram a aprovação da Lei Celerada, que pôs o PCB na ilegalidade em meados de 1927, a tentativa do partido de entabular uma aproximação com a pequena-burguesia radicalizada, a atuação eleitoral e parlamentar do BOC, e as superposições entre este organismo e o PCB. Investigou-se ainda o processo de assimilação por parte dos comunistas brasileiros da linha política radicalizada da IC, e a expectativa da IC e do PCB frente ao vislumbre da revolução democrático burguesa no Brasil no final dos anos 1920, a qual fornecera, internamente, uma lógica para a emergência do obreirismo no PCB. / This dissertation analyzes the views of the South American Secretariat (SSA), organ of the Communist International (IC), based in Argentina, and the relations between this agency and the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB). This research was conducted by studying the texts of the magazine La Correspondencia Sudamericana, the official magazine of the SSA, published between 1926 and 1930. From this study we identified the concepts of SSA with respect to parliamentary activities, trade unions, revolutionary propaganda and agitation, and in relation to the tactics of the proletarian united front. We analyzed the dominance exercised by the SSA in relation to the PCB, as well as the reformulation and radicalization that run through this agency between 1928 and 1930. The crisis of SSA in 1927 is to be linked directly to the crises do Communist Party of Argentina and the actions of the editor of La Correspondencia Sudamericana and councilman of Buenos Aires, Fernando José Penelón. It also analyzes readings taken by the Communists on the Brazilian national reality, the issues surrounding the passing of the scoundrel who put the PCB into lawlessness in mid-1927, the party attempting to engage in a rapprochement with the radicalized petty bourgeoisie, the electoral and parliamentary activity of the BOC, and the overlap between it and the PCB. It also investigates the process of assimilation by the Brazilian Communist radical political line of IC and the expectation of the IC and the PCB opposite the glimpse of the bourgeois democratic revolution in Brazil in late 1920, which provide, internally, the emergence of ?obreirismo? (?workerism?) in PCB.

Orientador: Teresa Maria Malatian / Resumo: O presente trabalho examina conflito de natureza política ocorrido em 1949 em Ribeirão Preto, por ocasião do II Congresso das Câmaras Municipais do Estado de São Paulo (também chamado Congresso das Municipalidades ou Congresso Municipalista). Operação policial resultou em processo criminal contra treze vereadores de onze municípios, seis dos quais chegaram a ser presos. Todos, exceto um, eram militantes do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB), eleitos em novembro de 1947 por diferentes legendas: PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. Pretende-se demonstrar que o caso expressa a lógica repressiva liberal-conservadora, anticomunista, antinacionalista vigente no governo Dutra, à qual aderiu o governador de São Paulo, Adhemar de Barros, embora tenha sido eleito para o cargo com apoio decisivo do PCB. Procura-se descrever as atividades dos órgãos de repressão política, neste caso, destacadamente o Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS-SP); bem como analisar a ação do PCB, em particular em Ribeirão Preto, nas suas características organizativas, ideológicas e políticas. / Abstract: This work examines politic nature conflict ocurred in 1949 at Ribeirão Preto City, during the São Paulo State Second Congress of City Halls (also called Congress of Municipalities). The police operation resulted in a criminal process against thirteen concillors of eleven cities, six of wich were arrested. All of them, but one, were militants of Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), elected in November 1947 by different legends, including PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. The author wants to demonstrate that this episode express the repressive logic liberal-conservative, anticommunist and antinacionalist valid in Dutra's government, used by São Paulo's governor, Adhemar de Barros, although he has been supported by PCB. The research describes the organ's activities engaged in political repression during the refered period, mainly the "Departamento de Ordem Política e Social", DOPS. Also, it analyzes the organization, ideologies and political characteristcs of PCB, particulary in Ribeirão Preto City. / Mestre