Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

“Trečio fronto” žurnalas (1930-1931 m.) ir jo leidėjų grupė yra susilaukusi plataus literatūrologų ir istorikų dėmesio. Visgi, galimos naujos tyrimų perspektyvos, leidžiančios sukonstruoti platesnį šios grupės veiklos kontekstą bei įvesti naujus personažus – aktorius ir menininkus. Dėl to pats reiškinys įvardijamas kaip revoliucinės kultūros eksperimentas, netolygiai vystęsis tarp 1927 ir 1935 m. Tyrimo objektu tapo apie dvidešimt herojų. Jų biogramų lyginamoji rekonstrukcija atskleidė išskirtinę draugystės ryšių įtaką politinių-socialinių pažiūrų tapsmui bei viešajai veiklai. Dauguma šios grupės narių mėgino tapti komunistų pakeleiviais. Lietuvos komunistų partijos vadovybė Maskvoje ir Lietuvoje nesutarė kaip vertinti šį šliejimąsi. Visgi nulėmė neigiamos nuostatos ir šliejimosi pastangos buvo sužlugdytos. Šis aspektas esamoje istoriografijoje nebuvo iki šiol atskleistas. Mažuma analizuojamos grupės aktyvistų tapo nemarksistinio socializmo šalininkais, o jų išskirtinai sunki veikla buvo paženklinta emigracijos ir kalėjimo bausmių. Egzistuojanti istoriografija pabrėžia trečiafrontininkų komunistinio pakeleiviavimo aspektą, bet šiame tyrime analizuojamų personažų atžvilgiu laikomasi platesnės kairėjimo perspektyvos. Taigi, iki šiol tyrinėtojų nepanaudotos archyvinės medžiagos gausa leido papildyti trečiafrontininkų istorijas naujais faktais, įvesti naujų personažų, išplėsti kontekstus bei siūlyti naujus jų veiklos vertinimus. / The “Trečias frontas” journal (1930-1931) and its group have a wide historiographical layer. Nevertheless, there is a possibility to recreate wider context of the group’s activities and analyse this in the connection with activities of some artists and theatre actors. Therefore, this phenomenon could be named as the “experiment of revolutionary culture” and dated between 1927 and 1935. About twenty persons became the object of this research. Reconstruction of group members’ biographies in comparative mode reveals close personal ties and communication networks which affected political-social visions and were the core of complex public activities. Majority of the group members’ tried to become communist fellow-travellers. The corpus of Lithuanian Communist party leadership has had diverse attitudes towards these attempts and that initiated internal conflicts. Nevertheless, prevailed negative position and attempts failed. Minority of these revolutionary culture sympathizers became nonmarxist socialism supporters and their activities were especially difficult because of emigration and imprisonments. Existing historiography emphasizes these group members’ connections with communists. The perspective of this research is more about the difficult path of going left. Untapped archival material and its abundance enabled to enrich the existing historical narrative with new facts, characters, wider contexts, different perspectives and fresh analysis of their activities.

The “Trečias frontas” journal (1930-1931) and its group have a wide historiographical layer. Nevertheless, there is a possibility to recreate wider context of the group’s activities and analyse this in the connection with activities of some artists and theatre actors. Therefore, this phenomenon could be named as the “experiment of revolutionary culture” and dated between 1927 and 1935. About twenty persons became the object of this research. Reconstruction of group members’ biographies in comparative mode reveals close personal ties and communication networks which affected political-social visions and were the core of complex public activities. Majority of the group members’ tried to become communist fellow-travellers. The corpus of Lithuanian Communist party leadership has had diverse attitudes towards these attempts and that initiated internal conflicts. Nevertheless, prevailed negative position and attempts failed. Minority of these revolutionary culture sympathizers became nonmarxist socialism supporters and their activities were especially difficult because of emigration and imprisonments. Existing historiography emphasizes these group members’ connections with communists. The perspective of this research is more about the difficult path of going left. Untapped archival material and its abundance enabled to enrich the existing historical narrative with new facts, characters, wider contexts, different perspectives and fresh analysis of their activities. / “Trečio fronto” žurnalas (1930-1931 m.) ir jo leidėjų grupė yra susilaukusi plataus literatūrologų ir istorikų dėmesio. Visgi, galimos naujos tyrimų perspektyvos, leidžiančios sukonstruoti platesnį šios grupės veiklos kontekstą bei įvesti naujus personažus – aktorius ir menininkus. Dėl to pats reiškinys įvardijamas kaip revoliucinės kultūros eksperimentas, netolygiai vystęsis tarp 1927 ir 1935 m. Tyrimo objektu tapo apie dvidešimt herojų. Jų biogramų lyginamoji rekonstrukcija atskleidė išskirtinę draugystės ryšių įtaką politinių-socialinių pažiūrų tapsmui bei viešajai veiklai. Dauguma šios grupės narių mėgino tapti komunistų pakeleiviais. Lietuvos komunistų partijos vadovybė Maskvoje ir Lietuvoje nesutarė kaip vertinti šį šliejimąsi. Visgi nulėmė neigiamos nuostatos ir šliejimosi pastangos buvo sužlugdytos. Šis aspektas esamoje istoriografijoje nebuvo iki šiol atskleistas. Mažuma analizuojamos grupės aktyvistų tapo nemarksistinio socializmo šalininkais, o jų išskirtinai sunki veikla buvo paženklinta emigracijos ir kalėjimo bausmių. Egzistuojanti istoriografija pabrėžia trečiafrontininkų komunistinio pakeleiviavimo aspektą, bet šiame tyrime analizuojamų personažų atžvilgiu laikomasi platesnės kairėjimo perspektyvos. Taigi, iki šiol tyrinėtojų nepanaudotos archyvinės medžiagos gausa leido papildyti trečiafrontininkų istorijas naujais faktais, įvesti naujų personažų, išplėsti kontekstus bei siūlyti naujus jų veiklos vertinimus.

Cette thèse est une étude de la production des prises de position partisanes sur l'intégration européenne. Elle entend rompre avec la logique classificatoire privilégiée dans les travaux sur « l'euroscepticisme ». Pour ce faire, elle adopte une approche relationnelle de la compétition politique attentive aux contextes international, interpartisan et intrapartisan. A partir de ce cas particulier qu'est le Parti communiste français, il s'agit de restituer l'émergence progressive d'une catégorie « Europe » associée à la construction européenne, et la manière avec laquelle le problème communautaire et les enjeux afférents ont été construits, les grilles de lecture à travers lesquels ils ont été interprétés. Ainsi, elle interroge à nouveaux frais les changements occasionnés par l'intégration européenne sur les espaces nationaux en montrant des dynamiques de spécialisation et l'éclosion d'un personnel politique spécifiquement en charge de ces questions au sein d'un parti politique pourtant souvent classé parmi les partis hostiles ou critiques envers le processus d'intégration européenne. Par ce biais, elle met aussi en évidence les recompositions plus générales dont ce parti politique est l'objet. / This thesis is a study of the production of party positions about the European integration. It stands out from the classificatory approach of the research on « euroscepticism». It takes a relational approach of the political competition which takes account of the international context, external and internal party politics. By examining a specific case, the French Communist Party, it observes the progressive emergence of a category « Europe » which ties into the building of Europe, and the modalities of the construction of a EC/EU problem and political issues. It revisits the question of the changes caused by the European integration on the national spaces. It highlights process of specialization and the advent of a political staff in charge of these questions within a political party which is frequently classified as hostile towards European integration process. It brings to light the large recompositions affecting this political party.

A historiografia pesquisou o PCB a partir de sua militância, sua atuação eleitoral, sua ideologia, sua relação com a URSS etc, mas ignorou a importância das imagens difundidas pela imprensa partidária, aspecto fundamental da propaganda: principalmente em um país com altos índices de analfabetismo. Esta pesquisa pretende estudar a trajetória do PCB por meio da análise dos desenhos, caricaturas, charges e ilustrações presentes na imprensa comunista. As transformações, características, omissões e referências da iconografia comunista formam uma verdadeira história ilustrada do partido e contribuem para o estudo de novos problemas e perspectivas da história do PCB. A periodização enfatiza o momento de maior crescimento da legenda, da redemocratização de 1945 até o golpe de 1964, que desmantelou a estrutura partidária, condenou ao exílio parte dos militantes e torturou milhares de comunistas. / Historiography researched the PCB from its militancy, its electoral performance, its ideology, its relationship with the USSR, etc. However, ignored the importance of the images published by the party press, a key aspect of propaganda: especially in a country with high illiteracy rates. This research aims to study the trajectory of the PCB through the analysis of drawings, caricatures, cartoons and illustrations present in the communist press. The changes, features, omissions and references of this communist iconography form a true \"illustrated\" history of the party and contribute to the study of new problems and perspectives of the history of PCB. The periodization emphasizes the moment of greatest growth of the legend, the democratization of 1945 until the coup of 1964, which dismantled the party structure, ordered the exile of the militants and tortured thousands of communists.

O presente trabalho se propõe a refletir acerca da trajetória do pensamento político e econômico de Mikhail Gorbachev durante os anos em que esteve à frente do Partido Comunista da URSS e conduziu as reformas iniciadas em 1985. Não se trata, portando, de um estudo minucioso da perestroika, nem de um trabalho biográfico sobre o último líder máximo soviético. Nosso enfoque se volta para as rupturas e continuidades no entendimento do secretário-geral quanto às políticas adotadas e à própria natureza do regime. O exame crítico pormenorizado das diversas intervenções e publicações de Gorbachev nos permite demonstrar como transitam na sua visão conceitos chaves como a introdução de elementos de mercado na economia, a burocracia partidária e a democratização da sociedade e do sistema político da URSS. Torna-se possível ainda compreender o caminho percorrido na visão do líder quanto à própria ideia de socialismo, que caminha da filiação aos pilares ideológicos oficiais para uma vertente cada vez mais próxima da socialdemocracia, bem como a natureza do regime que conduzia, que ao final seria caracterizado por ele como totalitário. / This paper aims to reflect on the path of political and economic thought of Mikhail Gorbachev during the years he was ahead of the USSR Communist Party and led the reforms initiated in 1985. It is not, in this sense, a detailed study of perestroika or a biographical work on the last Soviet leader. Our focus turns to the ruptures and continuities in understanding the Secretary-General as to the adopted policies and the very nature of the regime. The detailed critical examination of the various interventions and Gorbachev publications allows us to demonstrate how key concepts transiting in his vision as the introduction of market elements in the economy, the party bureaucracy and the democratization of society and the political system of the USSR. It is also possible to understand the path taken in the leader\'s vision about the very idea of socialism, which walks of membership in the official ideological pillars to a shed ever closer to social democracy, and the nature of the regime he led, that in the end he characterized as totalitarian.

Este trabalho busca elucidar a formação do pensamento comunista no Brasil por meio da análise da primeira recepção do marxismo de matriz bolchevista e sua apropriação por Octávio Brandão. Como apontou Roger Chartier, é mister que os historiadores atentem às condições e aos processos que, muito concretamente, portam as operações de construção de sentido, visando uma história social dos usos e interpretações, referidos às suas determinações fundamentais e inscritos nas práticas específicas que os produzem. Por isso, enseja-se um estudo sobre a formação comunista e suas práticas culturais a partir da análise da edição, da construção do sentido da leitura e do itinerário intelectual de um dos principais responsáveis pela formação militante, Octávio Brandão. O recorte cronológico circunscreve a primeira década de existência do Partido Comunista do Brasil e o momento logo anterior, quando Octávio Brandão publica seus primeiros trabalhos. O estudo da edição comunista e de suas práticas de leitura nos direciona, portanto, à compreensão da recepção do marxismo por parte de Brandão e seus camaradas da direção pecebista nos anos 1920. / This work intends to elucidate the constitution of Communist thought in Brazil through the analisis of the first reception of Bolshevik marxism and its appropriation by Octávio Brandão. As pointed out by Roger Chartier, it is vital that historians pay attention to the conditions and processes that very concretely carry the operations of sense building. So that this work aims to study the Communist education and its Cultural practices through the analisis of publishing, of the building up of the sense of reading and of the intelectual itinerary of one of the most important responsibles for the Communist education, Octávio Brandão. The period approached is the first decade of Brazilian Communist Party existence and the just previous moment, when Octávio Brandão publishes his first Works. The study of Communist publishing and its Reading practices conducts to the comprehension of marxism reception by Brandão and his comrades of the PCB during de 1920.

Résumé - anglický jazyk Název diplomové práce v anglickém jazyce: The Constitution of the People's Republic of China de iure and de facto This thesis deals with the issue of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China de iure and de facto. As presumed, the Chinese Constitution de iure does not meet all the requirements for effective constitution of the modern state and that between the Constitution of the PRC de iure and de facto exists a discrepancy relationship, the thesis aims to individually identify and analyze common constitutional and political elements which collectively create a real form of the Chinese Constitution de facto ("living" Constitution), upon which constitutional mechanisms of Chinese political life are based on. The work consists of three chapters, whereupon the work can be divided into two parts. The first part is the theoretical part, where the first chapter deals with defining the term of Constitution itself, whether from a purely normative point of view, as well as from other approaches, especially those from sociological and political science, which are crucial to properly understand the content of the Constitution de facto. Afterwards there is the categorization of various concepts of the Constitution, followed by the classification of different types of the Constiution....

The objective of this Master's thesis is to analyse the term of "rule of law" and its Chinese variations (fazhi 法治 , fazhi 法制 , yifazhiguo 依法治国 ) since establishment of the People's Republic of China until present, with the emphasis on contemporary understanding of the concept, affected by political environment. The concept of the rule of law is presented throughout analysis of collected works of influential political leaders, namely Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Xi Jinping, reflected in official documents crucial to the legal system, such as the Constitution. Each historical period represents a different stance on the conception of rule of law and position of legal system, which results in analysis of current situation with a prospective future attitude to this issue. Keywords: rule of law, constitutional rule, Communist Party of China, China

The subject of the thesis "Selected samizdat magazines 1980 - 1987 (X Desítka (Ten)/Violit and Jednou nohou (One Foot)/Revolver Revue)" is to give a picture of how these magazines were created and how they functioned in the context of the time. The first part of the thesis gives a general description of historical events, especially the period surrounding Gustáv Husák's rise to become the head of the Czechoslovak Communist Party and the start of normalisation. This change brought about issues such as political cleansing and trials and the development of opposition. The second chapter is devoted to the phenomenon of Charter 77, its origins, the response to it by the party and state apparatus and what it meant to be a Charter 77 member in everyday life. The concept of samizdat is briefly defined in chapter three. The fourth and fifth chapters deal with the magazines themselves. In the sixth chapter they are compared mainly in terms of production and distribution.