The Communist Party's control of Soviet literature gradually evolved from the 1920s and reached its height in the 1940s. The amount of control exerted over Soviet literature reflected the strengthening power of the Communist Party. Sources used in this thesis include speeches, articles, and resolutions of leaders in the Communist Party, novels produced by Soviet authors from the 1920s through the 1940s, and analyses of leading critics of Soviet literature and Soviet history. The thesis is structured around the political and literary developments during the periods of 1917-1924, 1924-1932, 1932-1941, and 1946-1949. The conclusion is that the Communist Party seized control of Soviet literature to disseminate Party policy, minimize dissent, and produce propaganda, not to provide an outlet for creative talent.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

The purpose of the presented dissertation is to analyse the functioning of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in Antonín Novotný's period (1953- 1967). The dissertation deals with three main themes: the organizational structure of the central apparatus, the staffing and personnel policy (the so-called nomenklatura). The main intention of the study concentrates on the Party elite's mobility and formation and considers patronage (clientelism) as an approach to understanding the political process. From the perspective of the political pluralism it examines coalition building at the central level through an analysis of aggregate biographical career data of over sixty Communist politicians. During the second half of the 1950s the Communist regime broke with the most brutal aspects of totalitarianism. The abandonment of massive and arbitrary repression was the key policy change from the Stalinist era. In many ways it prompted the transformation into a different type of dictatorship, becoming a modern police state rather than a despotic terror state. Instead of previous large-scale repression as a key means of social control, the Communist regime focused on a so-called cadre policy as the main power authority. As far as economic troubles were concerned, the Czechoslovak...

Après avoir atteint l'excellence en tant qu'intellectuel de parti stalinien pendant la Guerre froide, Roger Garaudy s'est construit comme intellectuel "véritable" contre la doxa du PCF qu'il était pourtant chargé d'incarner, à la faveur de son autonomisation suite au choc du XX° Congrès du PCUS périmant sa foi en Staline. C'est ainsi que la résurgence progressive de son habitus théologico-philosophique a fait de lui l'homme du dialogue par excellence adapté à la démarginalisation du PCF dans le champ intellectuel des années 1960. Mais si son engagement sur la tagente hérétique a fait de lui l'un des intellectuels communistes poussant le plus loin le projet de rénovation du PC en offrant une véritable stratégie alternative à celle du Parti après 1968, l'exclusion qui s'en est suivie s'est traduite par un retour du refoulé religieux qui, couplé à la posture prophétique d'un intellectuel désormais excentré dans le champ intellectuel français, a largement contribué à la délégitimation de l'ancien philosophe du PC avant même sa radicalisation ultime qui a achevé de le disqualifier suite à sa condamnation pour négationnisme. / After he reached excellence as a stalinist party intellectual during the Cold War, Roger Garaudy built himself as a real intellectual against the doxa that he was yet supposed to embody, following his emporwement after the shock of the 20th Congress of the CPSU which made his faith in Stalin obsolete. That is how the progressive resurgence of his theologico-philosophical habitus allowed him to become by excellence the "man of dialogue" within the French Communist Party, the most adjusted intellectual to the demarginalization of the FCP in the french intellectual field of the 1960s. But if his undertaking to the heretic tangent made him the communist theoretician who went the furthest on the way towards destalinization by offering a real alternative strategy to the Party's after 1968, his ensuing exclusion manifested thereafter as a backlash of the religiously repressed which, together with the prophetic posture of an intellectual henceforth unwarranted in the french intellectual field, largely explains the delegitimation of the former leading communist philosopher, even before his ultimate radicalization which completed his disqualification after he was condemned by french justice for negationism.

O presente trabalho se propõe a refletir acerca da trajetória do pensamento político e econômico de Mikhail Gorbachev durante os anos em que esteve à frente do Partido Comunista da URSS e conduziu as reformas iniciadas em 1985. Não se trata, portando, de um estudo minucioso da perestroika, nem de um trabalho biográfico sobre o último líder máximo soviético. Nosso enfoque se volta para as rupturas e continuidades no entendimento do secretário-geral quanto às políticas adotadas e à própria natureza do regime. O exame crítico pormenorizado das diversas intervenções e publicações de Gorbachev nos permite demonstrar como transitam na sua visão conceitos chaves como a introdução de elementos de mercado na economia, a burocracia partidária e a democratização da sociedade e do sistema político da URSS. Torna-se possível ainda compreender o caminho percorrido na visão do líder quanto à própria ideia de socialismo, que caminha da filiação aos pilares ideológicos oficiais para uma vertente cada vez mais próxima da socialdemocracia, bem como a natureza do regime que conduzia, que ao final seria caracterizado por ele como totalitário. / This paper aims to reflect on the path of political and economic thought of Mikhail Gorbachev during the years he was ahead of the USSR Communist Party and led the reforms initiated in 1985. It is not, in this sense, a detailed study of perestroika or a biographical work on the last Soviet leader. Our focus turns to the ruptures and continuities in understanding the Secretary-General as to the adopted policies and the very nature of the regime. The detailed critical examination of the various interventions and Gorbachev publications allows us to demonstrate how key concepts transiting in his vision as the introduction of market elements in the economy, the party bureaucracy and the democratization of society and the political system of the USSR. It is also possible to understand the path taken in the leader\'s vision about the very idea of socialism, which walks of membership in the official ideological pillars to a shed ever closer to social democracy, and the nature of the regime he led, that in the end he characterized as totalitarian.

Este trabalho busca elucidar a formação do pensamento comunista no Brasil por meio da análise da primeira recepção do marxismo de matriz bolchevista e sua apropriação por Octávio Brandão. Como apontou Roger Chartier, é mister que os historiadores atentem às condições e aos processos que, muito concretamente, portam as operações de construção de sentido, visando uma história social dos usos e interpretações, referidos às suas determinações fundamentais e inscritos nas práticas específicas que os produzem. Por isso, enseja-se um estudo sobre a formação comunista e suas práticas culturais a partir da análise da edição, da construção do sentido da leitura e do itinerário intelectual de um dos principais responsáveis pela formação militante, Octávio Brandão. O recorte cronológico circunscreve a primeira década de existência do Partido Comunista do Brasil e o momento logo anterior, quando Octávio Brandão publica seus primeiros trabalhos. O estudo da edição comunista e de suas práticas de leitura nos direciona, portanto, à compreensão da recepção do marxismo por parte de Brandão e seus camaradas da direção pecebista nos anos 1920. / This work intends to elucidate the constitution of Communist thought in Brazil through the analisis of the first reception of Bolshevik marxism and its appropriation by Octávio Brandão. As pointed out by Roger Chartier, it is vital that historians pay attention to the conditions and processes that very concretely carry the operations of sense building. So that this work aims to study the Communist education and its Cultural practices through the analisis of publishing, of the building up of the sense of reading and of the intelectual itinerary of one of the most important responsibles for the Communist education, Octávio Brandão. The period approached is the first decade of Brazilian Communist Party existence and the just previous moment, when Octávio Brandão publishes his first Works. The study of Communist publishing and its Reading practices conducts to the comprehension of marxism reception by Brandão and his comrades of the PCB during de 1920.

Este trabalho propõe uma análise de experiências políticas de lideranças do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) e de ativistas ligados aos movimentos sociais negros, com o objetivo de compreender os processos relacionados ao surgimento de interpretações sobre raça e nacionalidade que foram operacionalizadas no campo da política pelos dois grupos, durante o período de abertura democrática seguinte ao final do Estado Novo, resultando em estratégias diferenciadas. De um lado, ativistas negros tenderam a enfatizar sua própria condição racial ao se apresentarem como representantes dos negros, esperando atrair o voto dessa parcela de eleitores, o que resultaria no surgimento do voto racial, enquanto fenômeno eleitoral no país. Por outro, comunistas se apoiaram no discurso voltado para o povo na construção de sua atuação político-partidária, sem, contudo, ignorar o debate sobre a situação da população negra na sociedade brasileira. A hipótese central para investigação das experiências de comunistas e ativista negros foi de que eles concorreram na cena política nacional com variações da noção que negro é povo no Brasil. As fontes utilizadas para realizar a pesquisa foram exclusivamente documentais: jornais, revistas, correspondências, registros elaborados ou arquivados por órgãos do Estado (a exemplo do Superior Tribunal Eleitoral e do Departamento de Ordem Política e Social), documentos de circulação interna e de divulgação tanto de partidos políticos quanto de organizações negras. O uso de variadas fontes podem contribuir para a revelação de como alguns acontecimentos foram reforçados e outros apagados do passado, assim como a forma que processos relacionados à composição e à percepção da história influenciam o presente. / This work intends to analyze the political experiences of the Communist Party of Brazil leaders and the black movements activists. It aims to understand the processes related to the emergence of interpretations on race and nationality, as well as the way both groups used these interpretations to support different strategies in the field of politics, during the democratic opening following the end of the dictatorship period named Estado Novo (1937-1945). On the one hand, black activists tended to emphasize their own racial condition in order to present themselves as representatives of blacks, hoping to attract this segment of voters, which would result in the emergence of the race-oriented voting in Brazil as electoral phenomenon. On the other hand, Communists employed a focused discourse on the idea of \"Brazilian people\" to formulate their political platform, without ignoring, however, the debate on the situation of blacks in Brazilian society. The central hypothesis of this dissertation is that both Communists and Black activists showed up in the national political scene with competing meanings for the notion: blacks are the people in Brazil. The sources used in this research were newspapers, magazines, correspondences, documents elaborated or reunited by authorities of the Brazilian State (such as the Superior Electoral Court or the Department of Political and Social Order), as well as documents of internal circulation and disclosure of political parties and black organizations in Brazil. The use of a wide range of sources helped to disclose how certain events have been reinforced and others virtually deleted in the construction of the past, but also how processes related to the composition and perception of history affect the present.

Este trabalho propõe uma análise de experiências políticas de lideranças do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) e de ativistas ligados aos movimentos sociais negros, com o objetivo de compreender os processos relacionados ao surgimento de interpretações sobre raça e nacionalidade que foram operacionalizadas no campo da política pelos dois grupos, durante o período de abertura democrática seguinte ao final do Estado Novo, resultando em estratégias diferenciadas. De um lado, ativistas negros tenderam a enfatizar sua própria condição racial ao se apresentarem como representantes dos negros, esperando atrair o voto dessa parcela de eleitores, o que resultaria no surgimento do voto racial, enquanto fenômeno eleitoral no país. Por outro, comunistas se apoiaram no discurso voltado para o povo na construção de sua atuação político-partidária, sem, contudo, ignorar o debate sobre a situação da população negra na sociedade brasileira. A hipótese central para investigação das experiências de comunistas e ativista negros foi de que eles concorreram na cena política nacional com variações da noção que negro é povo no Brasil. As fontes utilizadas para realizar a pesquisa foram exclusivamente documentais: jornais, revistas, correspondências, registros elaborados ou arquivados por órgãos do Estado (a exemplo do Superior Tribunal Eleitoral e do Departamento de Ordem Política e Social), documentos de circulação interna e de divulgação tanto de partidos políticos quanto de organizações negras. O uso de variadas fontes podem contribuir para a revelação de como alguns acontecimentos foram reforçados e outros apagados do passado, assim como a forma que processos relacionados à composição e à percepção da história influenciam o presente. / This work intends to analyze the political experiences of the Communist Party of Brazil leaders and the black movements activists. It aims to understand the processes related to the emergence of interpretations on race and nationality, as well as the way both groups used these interpretations to support different strategies in the field of politics, during the democratic opening following the end of the dictatorship period named Estado Novo (1937-1945). On the one hand, black activists tended to emphasize their own racial condition in order to present themselves as representatives of blacks, hoping to attract this segment of voters, which would result in the emergence of the race-oriented voting in Brazil as electoral phenomenon. On the other hand, Communists employed a focused discourse on the idea of \"Brazilian people\" to formulate their political platform, without ignoring, however, the debate on the situation of blacks in Brazilian society. The central hypothesis of this dissertation is that both Communists and Black activists showed up in the national political scene with competing meanings for the notion: blacks are the people in Brazil. The sources used in this research were newspapers, magazines, correspondences, documents elaborated or reunited by authorities of the Brazilian State (such as the Superior Electoral Court or the Department of Political and Social Order), as well as documents of internal circulation and disclosure of political parties and black organizations in Brazil. The use of a wide range of sources helped to disclose how certain events have been reinforced and others virtually deleted in the construction of the past, but also how processes related to the composition and perception of history affect the present.

A historiografia pesquisou o PCB a partir de sua militância, sua atuação eleitoral, sua ideologia, sua relação com a URSS etc, mas ignorou a importância das imagens difundidas pela imprensa partidária, aspecto fundamental da propaganda: principalmente em um país com altos índices de analfabetismo. Esta pesquisa pretende estudar a trajetória do PCB por meio da análise dos desenhos, caricaturas, charges e ilustrações presentes na imprensa comunista. As transformações, características, omissões e referências da iconografia comunista formam uma verdadeira história ilustrada do partido e contribuem para o estudo de novos problemas e perspectivas da história do PCB. A periodização enfatiza o momento de maior crescimento da legenda, da redemocratização de 1945 até o golpe de 1964, que desmantelou a estrutura partidária, condenou ao exílio parte dos militantes e torturou milhares de comunistas. / Historiography researched the PCB from its militancy, its electoral performance, its ideology, its relationship with the USSR, etc. However, ignored the importance of the images published by the party press, a key aspect of propaganda: especially in a country with high illiteracy rates. This research aims to study the trajectory of the PCB through the analysis of drawings, caricatures, cartoons and illustrations present in the communist press. The changes, features, omissions and references of this communist iconography form a true \"illustrated\" history of the party and contribute to the study of new problems and perspectives of the history of PCB. The periodization emphasizes the moment of greatest growth of the legend, the democratization of 1945 until the coup of 1964, which dismantled the party structure, ordered the exile of the militants and tortured thousands of communists.

This thesis constitutes the first full-length study of Polish Communists in Canada, a group that provided a substantial segment of the countries socialist left in the early 20th century. It traces the roots of socialist support in Poland, its transplantation to Canada, the challenges it faced within an ethnic community heavily influenced by Catholicism, the complications caused by its links to the Comintern, and its changing strength and decline. It offers a deeper understanding of the ways in which the Communist party was able to appeal to certain ethnic groups, such as through cultural outreach, as well as its complicated and often arguably counter-productive relationship with the Comintern. It also furnishes important information on the efforts of the RCMP and Polish consulates to maintain control over the communists, as well as how generally improved material conditions among Poles, especially following the Second World War, along with the influence of the Cold War, accounted for a rapid decline in support. The thesis is primarily based on sources generated by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs or, more precisely, by the Polish consulates in Winnipeg, Montreal and Ottawa. One the Canadian side, the thesis took advantage of RCMP records, Canadian security bulletins, immigration records and Polish-language newspapers printed in Canada. By utilizing these sources, this study not only analyses the interaction of the Polish Canadian communist movement with other segments of the Polish community in Canada, but it also moves beyond the introverted approach that has characterized most studies of ethnic organizations in Canada by placing the movement within a “Canadian” context to analyze its relations with the government, broader segments of Canadian society, and the Communist Party of Canada (CPC).