(in English) The author tries to describe the transformation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in relation to itself and the surrounding environment, especially in the period from 17th November to 21st December 1989. He will use primarily the articles from Rudé právo and a stenographic record of the unscheduled session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia on 24th and 26th November 1989 which was published under the name Poslední hurá. He considers it appropriate to put into context the events of November and December 1989, with political development in Czechoslovakia in January, at the turn of June and July, and in October 1989. This analysis attempt will be based on the principles of general linguistics of Ferdinand de Saussure and discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The combination of hegemonic analysis and deconstruction will be used as a method of workflow. When analyzing the transformation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the author attempts to rely primarily on three principles deriving from discourse theory. The identity is not a fixed essence but it is created in the political struggles of the content of specific concepts. There have been attempts to fully fixate the identity of individuals, groups, society. But the identity is...

(thefts of socialist property) This diploma thesis observes how the problems of thefts of socialist property in Czechoslovakia were presented in the Rudé právo, the press body of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, between 1986 and 1989, or which discrepancies appeared in this presentation. The view on thefts of socialist property in the terms of law comes before the real core of the thesis - by putting stress on the definition of the socialist property in the Constitution, the given criminal act in the Penal Code, the view of the juristic literature on the social dangerousness of the given action, here represented by the Socialistická zákonnost journal. Afterwards the author focuses on how the problems of thefts (but also that of protection) of socialist property were related to the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (or rather to its officials), top managers and rank and file employees, which he illustrates on particular cases. In the end the author compares the articles of the Rudé právo with some empirical findings - in relation to the survey of the Institute for public opinion poll by the Federal statistical office about the discipline and the check on the workplace, in relation to the statistics about the economic criminal activity mentioned in the German written...

(in English): This work deals with the formation of party historiography in fifties and sixties of the twentieth century. It examines this issue in two ways. The first level is the institutionalization of party historiography at Faculty of Arts of Charles University. Establishment, development and abolition of the department of the History of the Communist party (History of Working class movement) is explored with focusing on key turning points in 1953 (establishment of the department), 1958 (restriction of teaching staff), 1964 (reorganization, merger and establishment of the department of the History of Working class movement) and 1970 (abolition of the department). Teaching staff is examined and attention is paid to the efforts to create typological profile of chair historians, who were part of emerging generation of party historians. The second level of the research is the participation of party historians in shaping and formulating new historical narratives, that provided legitimazing framework of communist project to social transformation. Attention is paid to possibilities and limits of party historiography in social and political context and its methodological base is also examined. The development of party historiography is divided into three phases - the phase of stalinist discourse, the...

This diploma thesis approaches the life story of one of the very important Czech historians postwar historiography, which has so far been overlooked, however. The work does not try to give information only about the life and works of Joseph Novotny, but classifies the historian in the context of time, focusing on his views and attitudes, which supported the communist ideology of the 60th of the 20 century, which was a great supporter. The author in creating the present study was based primarily on personal collection of Josef Novotný, which is stored in the Archives of the National Museum in Prague, Josef Novotny's work itself, the literature on the history of the First Republic, Second Republic and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, not least in the literature used to history of the historiography of the late 20th century. The work is divided into five chapters. The first chapter gives information about the life of Joseph Novotny. From second to fifth chapter are portrayed his personal attitudes and opinions of the historical situation until 30 years until the early 40th of the 20 century. About Josef Novotny are not yet issued any publication that would cover his life and work. Even literature is silent about him most. Therefore, the author sees the biggest benefit is that the present study provided information about the historian, who has been neglected Czech historiography, and perhaps opened a new research topic that can be developed further historians.

Submitted by RODRIGO ISMAEL FRANCISCO MAIA null (rodrigomaiacs@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-01-09T01:47:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação RODRIGO - final.pdf: 978487 bytes, checksum: 2f64a5329e3ef10ebe5e3b495f2b3d8b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-01-11T18:38:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 maia_rif_me_mar.pdf: 978487 bytes, checksum: 2f64a5329e3ef10ebe5e3b495f2b3d8b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-11T18:38:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 maia_rif_me_mar.pdf: 978487 bytes, checksum: 2f64a5329e3ef10ebe5e3b495f2b3d8b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Questa dissertazione ha lo scopo di capire le relazione tra il Partito Comunista Italiano(PCI) e il Partito Comunista Portoghese (PCP) rispetto il processo di integrazione europeo che si è concluso con l'Unione Europea (UE), rilevando la connessione fra politica interna e estera nelle strategie dei partiti. In Italia e Portogallo, lo stabilimento della democrazia faceva parte della strategia dei due PC, i quali avevano ampie basi nelle classi lavoratrici. La tenuta della autoorganizzazione delle classi lavoratrici e la fine dei processi di agitazione sociale portarono alla normalità democratica e alla internazionalizzazione economica, liberale. Il PCI, promuovendo la sua particolare via italiana al socialismo, ha collaborato con la formazione della Comunità Economica Europea (CEE), il PCP che inizialmente la rifiutava, ha iniziato a prenderla come fonte di benefici in difesa dalla democrazia. Lo sviluppo sociale della CEE è stato disuguale e combinato, grazie al quale i paesi sono diventati parte del mercato comune mentre la frammentazione devastava il mondo del lavoro. L'isolamento è stata una prima sconfitta per i due PC nei governi nazionali, e un'altra è stata la impossibilità di andare avanti con la strategia delle riforme in direzione al socialismo. Al fallimento pratico e ideologico si è aggiunto quello politico al momento della conclusione della UE e della crisi finale della sinistra comunista internazionale, quando il PCI ha deciso per lo scioglimento e il PCP per la continuità ortodossa. / Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de compreender as relações entre o Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) e o Partido Comunista Português (PCP) a respeito do processo de integração europeu que culminou na União Europeia (EU), destacando a conexão entre a política interna e externa nas estratégias dos partidos. Na Itália e em Portugal, a instauração do regime democrático fazia parte da estratégia dos dois PCs, os quais possuíam amplas bases nas classes trabalhadoras. O estancamento das auto-organizações das classes trabalhadoras e o fim dos processos de efervescência social levaram à normalidade democrática e à internacionalização das economias, liberalizando-as. O PCI, promovendo sua particular via italiana ao socialismo, colaborou com a formação da Comunidade Econômica Europeia (CEE), o PCP que inicialmente a recusava, passou a tomá-la como fonte de benefícios em defesa da democracia. O desenvolvimento social da CEE foi desigual e combinado, no qual os países passaram a fazer parte do mercado comum ao mesmo tempo em que a fragmentação assolava o mundo do trabalho. O isolamento foi uma primeira derrota dos dois PCs nos governos nacionais, e a outra foi a impossibilidade de avançar com a estratégia de reformas rumo ao socialismo. À falência prática e ideológica se somou a política no limiar da efetivação da UE e diante da crise terminal da esquerda comunista internacional, quando o PCI decidiu pelo desmanche e o PCP pelo prosseguimento ortodoxo. / This thesis aims to understand the relationships between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) about the European integration process which culminated in the EU, highlighting the connection between domestic and foreign policy in strategies of the parties. In Italy and Portugal, the establishment of the democratic system was part of the strategy of the two PCs, which had broad-based in the working class. The stagnation of the selforganization of the working classes and the end of social unrest processes have led to democratic normality and the internationalization of economies, liberalizing them. The PCI, promoting their particular Italian via to socialism, collaborated with the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC), the PCP that initially refused, began to take it as a source of benefits in defense of democracy. The EEC's social development was uneven and combined, in which countries became part of the common market at the same time the fragmentation ravaged the world of work. The isolation was a first defeat of the two PCs in national governments, and the other was the impossibility to move forward with the strategy of reforms toward socialism. To the practical and ideological failure was joined the politics at the threshold of execution of the EU, in front of the terminal crisis of the international communist left, when the PCI decided for dismantle and the PCP to the orthodox continuation.

Orientador: Marcos Del Roio / Abstract: This thesis aims to understand the relationships between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) about the European integration process which culminated in the EU, highlighting the connection between domestic and foreign policy in strategies of the parties. In Italy and Portugal, the establishment of the democratic system was part of the strategy of the two PCs, which had broad-based in the working class. The stagnation of the selforganization of the working classes and the end of social unrest processes have led to democratic normality and the internationalization of economies, liberalizing them. The PCI, promoting their particular Italian via to socialism, collaborated with the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC), the PCP that initially refused, began to take it as a source of benefits in defense of democracy. The EEC's social development was uneven and combined, in which countries became part of the common market at the same time the fragmentation ravaged the world of work. The isolation was a first defeat of the two PCs in national governments, and the other was the impossibility to move forward with the strategy of reforms toward socialism. To the practical and ideological failure was joined the politics at the threshold of execution of the EU, in front of the terminal crisis of the international communist left, when the PCI decided for dismantle and the PCP to the orthodox continuation. / Astratto: Questa dissertazione ha lo scopo di capire le relazione tra il Partito Comunista Italiano(PCI) e il Partito Comunista Portoghese (PCP) rispetto il processo di integrazione europeo che si è concluso con l'Unione Europea (UE), rilevando la connessione fra politica interna e estera nelle strategie dei partiti. In Italia e Portogallo, lo stabilimento della democrazia faceva parte della strategia dei due PC, i quali avevano ampie basi nelle classi lavoratrici. La tenuta della autoorganizzazione delle classi lavoratrici e la fine dei processi di agitazione sociale portarono alla normalità democratica e alla internazionalizzazione economica, liberale. Il PCI, promuovendo la sua particolare via italiana al socialismo, ha collaborato con la formazione della Comunità Economica Europea (CEE), il PCP che inizialmente la rifiutava, ha iniziato a prenderla come fonte di benefici in difesa dalla democrazia. Lo sviluppo sociale della CEE è stato disuguale e combinato, grazie al quale i paesi sono diventati parte del mercato comune mentre la frammentazione devastava il mondo del lavoro. L'isolamento è stata una prima sconfitta per i due PC nei governi nazionali, e un'altra è stata la impossibilità di andare avanti con la strategia delle riforme in direzione al socialismo. Al fallimento pratico e ideologico si è aggiunto quello politico al momento della conclusione della UE e della crisi finale della sinistra comunista internazionale, quando il PCI ha deciso per lo scioglimento e il PCP per la / Resumo: Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de compreender as relações entre o Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) e o Partido Comunista Português (PCP) a respeito do processo de integração europeu que culminou na União Europeia (EU), destacando a conexão entre a política interna e externa nas estratégias dos partidos. Na Itália e em Portugal, a instauração do regime democrático fazia parte da estratégia dos dois PCs, os quais possuíam amplas bases nas classes trabalhadoras. O estancamento das auto-organizações das classes trabalhadoras e o fim dos processos de efervescência social levaram à normalidade democrática e à internacionalização das economias, liberalizando-as. O PCI, promovendo sua particular via italiana ao socialismo, colaborou com a formação da Comunidade Econômica Europeia (CEE), o PCP que inicialmente a recusava, passou a tomá-la como fonte de benefícios em defesa da democracia. O desenvolvimento social da CEE foi desigual e combinado, no qual os países passaram a fazer parte do mercado comum ao mesmo tempo em que a fragmentação assolava o mundo do trabalho. O isolamento foi uma primeira derrota dos dois PCs nos governos nacionais, e a outra foi a impossibilidade de avançar com a estratégia de reformas rumo ao socialismo. À falência prática e ideológica se somou a política no limiar da efetivação da UE e diante da crise terminal da esquerda comunista internacional, quando o PCI decidiu pelo desmanche e o PCP pelo prosseguimento ortodoxo. / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:25:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VitalNS.pdf: 421939 bytes, checksum: dfb24bac7ed8f9c2b6f1c9cb48e4b676 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-27 / This work studies the dispute by Party Communist s memory in Brazil during and after division which it resulted in the appearance of two parties entitled communists, in the brazilian political context, in the final of the fifties and beginning of the sixties: the Brazilian Communist Party (in Portuguese, Partido Comunista Brasileiro) and the Communist Party of Brazil (in portuguese, Partido Comunista do Brasil). Along of yours three chapters, the author tries to answer some questions as: what were the elements which constituted the Communist Party s memory, in the period from 1922 to 1956? At which moment did this memory pass to be fiercely contested? Who and which documents reveal this? How did it happen the dispute by this memory? The approach to topic consider which the production of memory by Communist Party and the dispute for your possession by communists of PCB and of PCdoB happened in scope of national reality and of party, spaces notions understand from concept of memory developed for authors as Halbwachs, Le Goff, Pollack and Pierre Nora. To explain the objectives of historical research it has used as methodology the exam and the interpretation of documentary and bibliographical sources, with priority for the party s documents then it was depicted a collective interpretation about the events considered more importants. The sites of Partido Comunista do Brasil (www.pcdob.org.br or vermelho.org.br) and of Partido Popular Socialista (www.pps.org.br) also went consulted / Este trabalho estuda a disputa pela mem?ria do Partido Comunista no Brasil durante e depois da cis?o que resultou no aparecimento de duas agremia??es intituladas comunistas, no cen?rio pol?tico brasileiro, no final da d?cada de 1950 e in?cio dos anos de 1960: o Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) e Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCdoB). Ao longo de seus tr?s cap?tulos, o autor tenta responder quest?es como: quais os elementos que constitu?ram a mem?ria do Partido Comunista, no per?odo de 1922 a 1956? Em que momento essa mem?ria passou a ser disputada, por quem e quais documentos revelam isso? Como aconteceu essa disputa pela mem?ria? A abordagem do tema considera que a produ??o da mem?ria pelo Partido Comunista e a disputa por sua apropria??o pelos comunistas do PCB e do PCdoB aconteceram no ?mbito da realidade nacional e partid?ria, no??es espaciais compreens?veis a partir do conceito de mem?ria desenvolvido por autores como Halbwachs, Le Goff, Pollack, e Pierre Nora. Para dar conta dos objetivos da pesquisa hist?rica foi utilizado como metodologia o exame e a interpreta??o de fontes documentais e bibliogr?ficas, com prioridade para os documentos partid?rios que representavam uma interpreta??o coletiva sobre os acontecimentos considerados mais relevantes. Os sites do Partido Comunista do Brasil (www.pcdob.org.br ou vermelho.org.br) e do Partido Popular Socialista (www.pps.org.br) tamb?m foram consultados

A travers diverses sources et particulièrement des sources orales recueillies auprès d’anciens militants communistes simples adhérents ou responsables et d’articles de la presse communiste martiniquaise, cette thèse cherche à éclairer sur la ferveur militante d’hommes et de femmes de la Martinique, d’une famille politique essentielle dans le courant du XXe siècle.Cette étude parcourt une longue période s’étendant principalement de 1920 à 1971, montrant les débuts balbutiants du communisme à la Martinique, son ascension, sa période florissante et les débuts de son lent déclin. La problématique est d’abord de faire découvrir des Martiniquais dans leur vécu de militant communiste, montrer comment ces hommes et ces femmes s’approprièrent une doctrine, la transformèrent peut-être pour l’adapter à leurs besoins, à leur culture. Il s’agit également d’examiner quelle structure communiste fut mise en place en Martinique, cette organisation était-elle à l’image des fédérations métropolitaines ou était-ce une formation politique spécifique au milieu martiniquais?Ensuite pour mieux appréhender les choix et les parcours, il a fallu arriver à l’identification des modèles, des origines de ce militantisme et la formation des militants. Les référents furent tant des figures propres au marxisme et au socialisme international et national que des personnalités contestataires du milieu politique martiniquais.Puis proposer une lecture des pratiques et des stratégies militantes pour évaluer la qualité et la particularité de cette militance ainsi que les conséquences de l’engagement de ces militants dans différentes sphères. Quelles étaient leurs propositions, pourquoi leurs revendications politiques différaient-elles de celles des autres communistes coloniaux ? Comment expliquer leurs choix d’une nouvelle société plus égalitaire dans un État socialiste mais toujours associé à la France ?Ce travail de recherches positionne cette militance au centre d’une analyse qui explore l’histoire politique et sociale d’une population, en s’appuyant sur d’autres disciplines comme la sociobiographie et les sciences politiques. Il examine le façonnement d’une société par un groupe politique prégnant entre 1920 et 1971, ainsi que les réponses de ce groupe face à différents problèmes politiques et sociaux en privilégiant une approche par les acteurs. / Through various sources, particularly oral sources collected from ancient communists, ordinary members or officials, and articles of martinican Communist press, this thesis shows about the militant fervor of martinican men and women and essential political family in the course of the twentieth century. This study covers a long period extending mainly from 1920 to 1971 showing the early stuttering of communism in Martinique, his ascension, his prosperous period and the beginning of his slow decline. The issue is first to make discover Martinicans in their experience of communist militant, present how these men and women appropriated a doctrine, transformed it perhaps to suit at their needs, at their culture. It is also to consider what communist structure was put in place in Martinique; this organization was it like the metropolitan federations or was it a specific political party? Then to better understand the choices and paths, it’s necessary arrive at identifying mentors, origins of this activism and training of militants. Referents were as figures specific to Marxism and international and national socialism as figures as specific martinican politics. Then offer a reading of practices and activist strategies for assessing the quality and uniqueness of this militancy and the consequences of the commitment of these activists in different spheres. What were their political choices, why their political demands did they differ from others colonial Communists? How to explain their choice of a new society more egalitarian in a socialist state, but always associated with France? This research study positions that militancy in the center of an analysis that explores the political and social history of a population, based on other disciplines such as socio-biography and political-sciences. It examines the shaping of a people by a political significant group between 1920 and 1971, and the proposals of this group face different political and social problems in promoting an approach by the actors.

Cette thèse étudie l’opposition du Parti communiste italien (PCI) et du Parti communiste français (PCF) au bloc atlantique, du début de la guerre froide jusqu’à l’admission de la République fédérale d'Allemagne (RFA) dans l'OTAN. L'approche choisie est d'intégrer les sphères « nationale » et « internationale », pour éviter de limiter l’analyse seulement aux logiques d’opposition de la Guerre froide. La compréhension des stratégies d’opposition de deux partis au bloc atlantique est primordiale, vu que, le PCF et le PCI sont, à l’époque, les deux plus grands partis communistes de l’Europe occidentale, et favorables aux constitutions française et italienne de l’après Deuxième Guerre mondiale. En tenant compte de l’interaction entre enjeux nationaux et pressions internationales, la thèse dresse un portrait de l’évolution des PCF/PCI dans leur opposition au bloc atlantique, en mettant en relief les similitudes et les différences. En s’appuyant sur plusieurs sources primaires, telles que les documents officiels des deux partis et les documents diplomatiques et ministériels italiens, français, russes et américains, elle explique l’évolution de deux partis. Si les conditions de départ, avec l’éviction des gouvernements nationaux des deux partis et la pression accrue des États-Unis et de l’Union soviétique, sont similaires, l’élaboration à long terme des stratégies est différente. En termes généraux, le PCF se caractérise par une stratégie plus « dogmatique », par rapport au bloc atlantique. Par conséquent, la tendance des communistes français sera celle d’une opposition plus attentive à la situation internationale qu’aux enjeux nationaux, avec une inversion de cette tendance qui arrive seulement à la moitié des années 1950, avec la campagne contre la CED. De leur côté, les communistes italiens sont capables, depuis le début et nonobstant les pressions internationales, d’élaborer une opposition plus équilibrée entre enjeux nationaux et situation internationale. Il en résulte que la stratégie du PCI sera plus efficace car, à plusieurs reprises, elle mettra en difficulté le gouvernement italien sur le fond de son choix atlantique. / This thesis studies the opposition of the Italian Communist Party (ICP) and the French Communist Party (FCP) to the Atlantic bloc, from the beginning of the Cold War until the entry of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) into NATO. The approach chosen is to integrate the 'national' and 'international' spheres, in order to avoid framing the analysis solely in terms of Cold War opposition. The comprehension of the oppositional strategies of two parties to the Atlantic bloc is very important, as the PCF and the PCI were the two largest communist parties in Western Europe at the time, and favorable to the French and Italian constitutions after World War II. Considering the interaction between national issues and international pressures, the dissertation draws a portrait of the evolution of the CPF/CPI in their opposition to the Atlantic bloc, highlighting similarities and differences. The thesis relies on several primary sources, such as official documents of the two parties and Italian, French, Russian and American diplomatic and ministerial documents, to explain the evolution of the two parties. While the starting conditions, with the exclusion from the national governments of both parties and the increased pressure from the US and the Soviet Union were similar, the long-term development of strategies was different. In general, the PCF was more "dogmatic", in relation to the Atlantic bloc. Consequently, the tendency of the French communists was to focus more on the international situation than on national issues, with a reversal of this tendency only in the mid-1950s, during the campaign against the EDC. For their part, the Italian communists were able, from the start and notwithstanding international pressures, to develop a more balanced opposition taking into account national issues and the international situation. As a result, the PCI's strategy was more effective, as it repeatedly challenged the Italian government on its Atlantic choice.

No description available.