Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research. / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

The Elective Conference of the African National Congress (ANC) of 2007 that took place in Polokwane remains an important event since 1994 (Fikeni 2009). The economic policy of the ANC and candidature of Mbeki and Zuma for the presidency contributed to the growing of factionalism in the ruling party that culminated in the 2007 conference. The study investigates and analyses the development of factions and ideological contestations that seemed to punctuate the ANC towards its 2007 National Congress that took place in Polokwane. It examines the roots and causes of factionalism in the ANC with a specific focus on the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM). It also investigates the extent to which the conservative policies such as Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) contributed in the divisions and factionalism prior the 2007 polokwane conference. The study departs from the premise that history of the ANC is riddled with factionalism and ideological contestations that have been well documented. Furthermore, the political infighting within the ANC impacts on governance structures and the local government level. The study seeks to demonstrate the effects of the 2007 power contestations between Zuma and Mbeki on the NMBM. To this effect, the study demonstrates how the leadership contestations in the ruling party impacted on the service delivery in the city. For the purposes of analyzing and making sense of the nature of power plays within the ANC it draws from the theories of factionalism to illustrate that the link between the growing of factionalism and the one party dominant system.

South Africa is faced by a huge problem of inequality, twenty years after the dawn of independence. Such inequalities have been addressed by policy intervention such as the social security and assistance of citizens through various classes of grants. One of the grants targeting children under the age of 18 years is the child support grant. However there are deserving children who have been left-out of mainstream social security through social exclusion. The study sought to investigate the problem of the social exclusion of children from the child support grant in the Nkonkobe municipality. Through the use of the Basic Needs Approach (BNA) to understand the need for any state/government to promote the social welfare of its citizens, the study took a triangulated research paradigm which used both quantitative and qualitative research approaches to collect data from forty respondents by way of a questionnaire survey. The study found out that, inter alia, poverty remains high in the Nkonkobe municipal area, there is rampant social exclusion in the area, the amount paid for the child support grant is little and that the effects of the withdrawal of the grant when the child reaches the age of 18 are unbearable to the child. Some of the recommendations which the study made in line with improved mainstream social security in relation to the child support grant are that, the government needs to improve information dissemination about grants to the populace, there should be mandatory policies to make sure all citizens have identification particulars, the government should be mobile and take services to the people and there should a consideration to review the amount paid for the child support grant upwards. The researcher is quite optimistic that the study will play a part in improving policy implementation.

The diploma thesis deals with the presidency of the Czech Republic in the European Union which was in progress during the first half of 2009. Two main goals of the thesis were, first, to describe the presidency in context of congress tourism and, second, to analyze the impacts of the presidency on tourism in the Czech Republic. In the thesis there is described the mechanism of the organization of the presidency in detail, i.e. how were organized the conferences and congresses of the EU taking place in the Czech Republic during the presidency. Then, there is an analysis of both short-run and long-run impacts of the presidency on tourism and congress tourism in the Czech Republic. The thesis is theoretically based on characteristics of tourism, congress tourism, Council of the EU and the presidency in the Council.

In a time of laissez-faire government, monopolistic businesses and political debauchery, William Andrews Clark played a significant role in the developing West, achieving financial success rivaling Jay Gould, George Hearst, Andrew Carnegie, and J. P. Morgan. Clark built railroads, ranches, factories, utilities, and developed timber and water resources, and was internationally known as a capitalist, philanthropist and art collector. Nonetheless, Clark is unjustly remembered for his bitter twelve-year political battle with copper baron Marcus Daly that culminated in a scandalous senatorial election in January 1899. The subsequent investigation was a judicial travesty based on personal hatred and illicit tactics. Clark's political career had national implications and lasting consequences. His enemies shaped his legacy, and for one hundred years historians have unquestioningly accepted it.

Orientador: Carlos Lenz César / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Física Gleb Wataghin / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-01T14:53:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Camacho_LudwingFerneyMarenco_M.pdf: 18964058 bytes, checksum: fa65aaa210a9f9f4dbd93261b64da143 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / Resumo: Apresenta-se um novo método efetivo para analisar um sistema de Deputados usando o formalismo da teoria de redes. Construiu-se uma matriz com os resultados anuais da votação nominal da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil desde 2007 até 2015. Através da medida do coeficiente de correlação entre os conjuntos anuais de votação nominal, calculou-se uma rede de Deputados. Encontrando a Árvore Geradora Mínima da rede de Deputados características generais do sistema podem visualiza-se. Especificamente, expõe-se a postura de concordância - oposição, as conexões individuais entre os Deputados, a fidelidade partidária e uma nova maneira de observar os projetos de lei aprovados ou rejeitados, assim como sua evolução no tempo. Devido ao bom comportamento de correlação observado entre os Deputados, prova-se que cinco ou seis partidos políticos são suficientes para capturar toda a diversidade política existente na Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil. Além disso, propõe-se que a distribuição de probabilidade dos valores de correlação da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil é uma combinação de distribuições logísticas. Enuncia-se também, um novo método de ordenar matrizes de correlação baseado no resultado da Árvore Geradora Mínima / Abstract: A new effective method for analysing a Representatives¿ system from the network formalism is presented. A matrix with the annual results of roll - call vote of the Brazilian House of Representatives from 2007 to 2015 was constructed. By measuring the correlation coefficient between each pair of annual roll - call vote sets a Representatives¿ network was computed. For extracting the Minimal Spanning Tree of the Representatives' network general features of this system arises. Specifically, the concordance - opposition stance, the individual connections among Representatives, the partisan fidelity and a new way to identify the approved and disapproved draft bills, as well as, its time evolution are disclosed. A well-define correlation behaviour among Representatives is observed, in fact, we prove that five or six political parties are sufficient to encapsulate all political diversity in the Brazilian House of Representatives. In addition, we propose that the probability distribution of correlation values in the Brazilian House of Representatives is a combination of logistic distributions. Besides that, a new method for re-ordering correlation matrices based on the result of the Minimal Spanning Tree is enunciated / Mestrado / Física / Mestre em Física / 1490097/2015 / CAPES

This study examines the possible effect of the president's vote totals in states on Presidents Carter's and Reagan's support among senators. Using senators' Congressional Quarterly (CQ) presidential support scores as the dependent variable, this paper hypothesizes that Carter and Reagan's support is significantly and positively related to their electoral success in that Senator's state for the years 1977 through 1988. Several control variables are included to help explain support. There is qualified corroboration for the hypothesis that senator's presidential support scores are significantly and positively related to the president's electoral success for specific administrations and for specific-party senators, although not for the original hypothesis that aggregated the period 1977 to 1988.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This thesis is a comparative study of competing education and training (ET) policy options in South Africa today. The thesis examines the economic and ET policy proposals of the South African state, and in particular, the recently published National Training Strategy and Education Renewal Strategy. These documents are both critically examined and contrasted with the policy proposals which are currently emerging in the African National Congress (ANC) and Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu). The analysis establishes a continuum of ET systems, with the policy proposals of the South African state representing a <low-skill equilibrium' system and the Framework for Lifelong Learning document of the ANC/ Cosatu reflecting a more highskill equilibrium' orientation. A <macro-institutional' theoretical perspective is employed throughout the thesis, an approach which combines a focus on the e macro' structural features of capitalist society with an analysis of the vast nexus of interlocking social institutions existing at the sub-structural level. This macro-institutional approach is particularly evident in the manner in which two key theoretical themes have been foregrounded throughout the text. The first has to do with the central macro' question of the market/state relation and its relevance for ET. The second has to do with the e institutional' dynamic of" the interaction between the ET system, the labour market and the organisation of work and the manner in which this interaction mediates the impact of ET on society and economic performance. The strength of the <macro-institutional' perspective is that it emphasises that the reform of ET in isolation of other societal changes is insufficient in the pursuit of higher productivity and improved economic performance. What is essential is comprehensive reform: reforms which impact on a whole range of key institutional locations. This requires coherent and long-term planning, a form of governance most often obtained by consensual co-ordinated market economies and seldom under free market conditions. The conclusion to this thesis suggests that the ANC/ Cosatu economic and ET proposals are more likely to obtain comprehensive reform' of the South African social structure than those proposals emanating from the current state.

The dissertation called "Belarusan Democratic Republic" (BDR) analyzes in broad terms progression of belarus national movement since beginning of 20th century until the end of the year 1918. In the strict sense of the word the aim of that thesis is to evaluate to what degree is possible to consider BDR as real republic at the date of its formation and to what degree could be operationable its government authorities. What criteria had confirmed or had contradicted the existence of BDR as a real state. BDR had been a certain culmination of belarus national movement. In the beginning of the dissertation we will take attention to origins of national movement, its developing in the frame of the tzar's Russia and during the first world war. Comparation of possibilities of national agitation at the time of separation of belarusan districts between two warenemies is also included in the first part. Following part, which we focus on, is explaining what conditions have been for proclamation of independence, what motivations and requests of belarusan patriots have been. There had been founded the state authorities of BDR by proclamation of independence: pre-parliament - Council of BDR and "government" - National Secretariat. Analyzing of volume of authenticity to state authorities had been realized according...

Abstract The subject of the thesis is architectural study of the Winery hotel Hrůdek with a salon of wines, with a wellness and with a congress centre. The locality of the local name of Hrůdek is situated north of the Velké Pavlovice municipality, at a small hill behind the Upper Fishpond, in place of a former henhouse. The building site, owing to its uphill position, provides admirable view of the Trkmanka stream valley. The object designed is separately standing and due to its emplacement it creates an outstanding view point of neighbourhood. The object is designed in such manner tat it would fit together with the surrounding landscape. There are applied natural materials as wood, stone. Mass of the building is divided into two objects, A and B, connected by means of a subbasement. The public outdoor areas are fixed between these buildings and are terraced. From the upper terrace there is situated entrance into the building A with the reception desk, restaurant, congress hall and wellness. We can get into the building through the connection corridor in the subbasement or from the upper terrace. In the B building B there is situated accommodation of the **** standard. Then leaseable wine-cellars and a wine bar accessible from the lower terrace. The object layout is interestingly solved. Such layout offers to the visitor countless interesting sights and views of the surrounding landscape. Keywords: Winery hotel, wine salon, wellness, congress centre, restaurant, wine-cellars, presentation of wines, tasting cellars