Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2005. / Advisor: Dr. Marilyn J. Young, Florida State University, College of Communication, Dept. of Communication. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 27, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 113 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2007. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 205 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-179).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:35:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4288.pdf: 4861897 bytes, checksum: af15840f2df20fcf171ec9fcfcc07fb5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-17 / The present research defends the idea what in Goias, on first half of the 20th century, the project of education rural comprised the juxtaposition of new school and ruralism, which aimed to develop a training profile adapted to the development of production processes in the field, making schooling by a habitus that minimized the rural exodus and integrate ideals of conservation and modernity. It was documentary research investigated the history of education in rural Goias, taking as a main source of analysis, Proceedings of the Eighth Brazilian Congress of Education, 1942, seeking to understand how the discourses of ruralism and new school supported the formation of a man adapted to development of the Brazilian nation in the years 1930- 1945, highlighting the centrality of work with the land in the educational process. The context includes the search time Goias was located in the area of agricultural expansion in Brazil and who was the object of the colonization project of the Vargas government, called the March to the West. At this juncture, there was the building and transfer of the state capital to the city of Goiania, ritual marked by a symbolic construction, which involved among other things, the Cultural Baptism of the new capital and the realization of this event organized by the Brazilian Association of Education. / O presente trabalho defende a tese que em Goiás, na primeira metade do século XX, o projeto de educação rural vigente compreendia a justaposição de escolanovismo e ruralismo pedagógico, o que objetivava o desenvolvimento de um perfil formativo adaptado ao desenvolvimento dos processos de produção no campo, constituindo pela escolarização um habitus que minimizasse o êxodo rural e integrasse ideais de conservação e modernidade. Trata-se de pesquisa documental que investigou a história da educação rural em Goiás, tomando como principal fonte de análise os anais do Oitavo Congresso Brasileiro de Educação de 1942, buscando compreender como os discursos do ruralismo e do escolanovismo subsidiaram a formação de um homem adaptado ao desenvolvimento da nação brasileira nos anos 1930-1945, destacando a centralidade do trabalho com a terra no processo educativo. O contexto pesquisado engloba o momento em que Goiás situava-se na área de expansão da fronteira agrícola brasileira e que era objeto do projeto de colonização do governo Vargas, denominado Marcha para Oeste. Nessa conjuntura, houve a edificação e transferência da capital do estado para a cidade de Goiânia, ritual marcado por uma construção simbólica, que envolveu dentre outras coisas, o Batismo Cultural da nova capital e a realização do referido congresso, organizado pela Associação Brasileira de Educação.

Orientador: Teresa Maria Malatian / Resumo: O presente trabalho examina conflito de natureza política ocorrido em 1949 em Ribeirão Preto, por ocasião do II Congresso das Câmaras Municipais do Estado de São Paulo (também chamado Congresso das Municipalidades ou Congresso Municipalista). Operação policial resultou em processo criminal contra treze vereadores de onze municípios, seis dos quais chegaram a ser presos. Todos, exceto um, eram militantes do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB), eleitos em novembro de 1947 por diferentes legendas: PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. Pretende-se demonstrar que o caso expressa a lógica repressiva liberal-conservadora, anticomunista, antinacionalista vigente no governo Dutra, à qual aderiu o governador de São Paulo, Adhemar de Barros, embora tenha sido eleito para o cargo com apoio decisivo do PCB. Procura-se descrever as atividades dos órgãos de repressão política, neste caso, destacadamente o Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS-SP); bem como analisar a ação do PCB, em particular em Ribeirão Preto, nas suas características organizativas, ideológicas e políticas. / Abstract: This work examines politic nature conflict ocurred in 1949 at Ribeirão Preto City, during the São Paulo State Second Congress of City Halls (also called Congress of Municipalities). The police operation resulted in a criminal process against thirteen concillors of eleven cities, six of wich were arrested. All of them, but one, were militants of Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), elected in November 1947 by different legends, including PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. The author wants to demonstrate that this episode express the repressive logic liberal-conservative, anticommunist and antinacionalist valid in Dutra's government, used by São Paulo's governor, Adhemar de Barros, although he has been supported by PCB. The research describes the organ's activities engaged in political repression during the refered period, mainly the "Departamento de Ordem Política e Social", DOPS. Also, it analyzes the organization, ideologies and political characteristcs of PCB, particulary in Ribeirão Preto City. / Mestre

Two of the post apartheid elections held in South Africa (1994, 1999) have been used as mechanisms to analyse and assess the extent to which the country’s transition from apartheid to a democratic dispensation is succeeding or not. The primary analytical focus of the 1994 and 1999 elections has revolved around the nature of the party system and voting behaviour. Basically, contestation has arisen over two primary and related issues: the dominance of the African National Congress (ANC) weighed against the weakness of opposition parties and the implications that this development has for effective democratic consolidation. Also, whether voting decisions based on divisive racial and ethnic identities that underlie electoral contests are pervasive enough to derail the process of democratisation. Generally, the primary conclusion has been that the unfolding pattern of South African electoral politics indicates sufficient grounds on which to doubt the prospects for effective democratic consolidation. This dissertation engages these debates with particular reference to the 2004 elections. In contrast to this pessimistic view of the prospects of successful democratisation in South Africa it upholds through an analysis of the 2004 elections the view that there is insufficient empirical evidence, to conclude that South Africa’s democratisation process is imperiled. It maintains that although there are problems related to the to the nature of the party system and some elements of voting behaviour there is enough countervailing evidence revealed by the 2004 election results that this does not present a substantially serious threat to the prospects of South Africa attaining a democratic society.

Submitted by Cristiane Oliveira (cristiane.oliveira@fgv.br) on 2011-06-10T20:57:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200030.pdf: 831441 bytes, checksum: 5e02494d934af7fa902abad3ff3dad7e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-06-10T20:59:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200030.pdf: 831441 bytes, checksum: 5e02494d934af7fa902abad3ff3dad7e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-06-10T21:00:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200030.pdf: 831441 bytes, checksum: 5e02494d934af7fa902abad3ff3dad7e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-06-10T21:36:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200030.pdf: 831441 bytes, checksum: 5e02494d934af7fa902abad3ff3dad7e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-27 / Nos últimos 15 anos, o licenciamento ambiental transformou-se num dos maiores desafios regulatórios do Estado brasileiro. Além de ser apontado como um processo ineficiente, burocrático e inibidor de novos investimentos públicos e privados, o licenciamento ambiental passou a ser caracterizado, inclusive pelos próprios órgãos licenciadores, como um instrumento crescentemente sem efetividade para a proteção do meio ambiente. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo verificar se as falhas do licenciamento ambiental federal (falta de eficiência e falta de efetividade) estão de alguma maneira relacionadas à forma como o Estado brasileiro está organizado para a criação e reformulação de suas normas ambientais. A partir de uma análise econômica do grau de precisão das normas jurídicas, construiu-se um modelo teórico para avaliar a atuação do Congresso Nacional, do Poder Judiciário e do CONAMA em torno do licenciamento ambiental federal. Os desvios institucionais encontrados apontam para a necessidade de reformas envolvendo, sobretudo, a repartição de competências normativas dos órgãos ambientais e o processo de produção normativa no CONAMA. / In the last 15 years, environmental permitting became one of the most challenging regulatory issues in the Brazilian public policy debate. It is regarded not only as an inefficient and excessively bureaucratic administrative procedure, but also as a growingly ineffective instrument for the environmental protection. This study has made an attempt to identify the institutional problems behind our environmental permitting inefficient and ineffective legal norms. Based on an economic analysis of rules and standards, we build a theoretical model to evaluate the different roles played by the National Congress, the courts and CONAMA in shaping the environmental permitting legal norms. The findings suggest that a reform in our environmental permitting law should face two main issues: the delegation of rulemaking authority to environmental departments and CONAMA’s administrative rulemaking procedure.

No description available.

South African foreign policy is not made in a bubble; as a democracy since 1994, its outward orientation is theoretically subject to lobbying and pressure from outside groups as well as jockeying among bureaucratic entities. This study applies the principles of Foreign Policy Analysis, a theoretical framework that attempts to unpack the processes through which governments’ foreign policies are made, to South Africa to determine whether foreign policy making is in reality open to outside inputs, or whether the foreign policy arena—as in many countries globally—is an elite reserve. The thesis has a specific focus on the 1994-2008 period, during which time Deputy President (1994-99) and later President (1999-2008) Thabo Mbeki dominated government’s foreign policy formulation, to determine whether South Africa’s democratic transition was accompanied by “democratization” of the foreign policy making process compared to the apartheid government. In addition, the thesis sought to disaggregate the various actors involved in the process—both from the influencing and decision making sides of the coin—to analyze their individual roles in influencing foreign policy, both pre- and post-1994. The thesis found that the dominant actor in South African foreign policy, both before and after 1994, was the national leader (Prime Minister before 1984; President thereafter) or, on occasion, his chosen delegate if the leader was disinterested in the external realm. This is in part because South African Constitutions vest most decision-making power in the executive, in line with international norms, but also due to a lack of pressure by non-governmental actors. While South Africa’s post-apartheid dispensation allows for greater inputs by the public and other outside actors, the practice of influencing foreign policy—either through the ballot box or through concerted pressure between elections—changed very little. Public engagement on foreign policy, already weak, did not improve after 1994. Parliament, despite having a dedicated committee on the issue, showed itself largely disinterested, as did the broader ANC. The press, business, the ANC, and most civil society organizations similarly showed little desire to weigh in on foreign policy beyond isolated instances. Only academia consistently attempted to influence policy during the Mandela and Mbeki administrations, with mixed results. Ultimately, blame for this lack of change appears to lie mostly with outside actors themselves, who during the first 14 years of democracy failed to take advantage of political space opened to them. In examining Thabo Mbeki specifically, the thesis found that he took advantage of this leeway to dominate the foreign policy debate and rarely went out of his way to open the foreign policy debate any more than he had to. He gave short shrift to the inputs of pressure groups; had no time for the press or business; and dominated the ANC and its parliamentary caucus. Mbeki had a clear and well-defined worldview, and he had little time for people or organizations with decidedly different views. That said, those close to Mbeki, and even outsiders—notably from the academic community—paint a far more nuanced picture of the man, as someone who would listen and engage with others on foreign policy, at least if he believed they had done their homework on the issues in question. Hence, portrayals of Mbeki as a “dictator” in the foreign policy realm appear to be overstated. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T16:15:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thais Faria.pdf: 430042 bytes, checksum: 6684296ef83102ecdcf97d854113e55d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-03 / This work has the object to analise the resums of the notebooks in the three last COLEs (Reading Congress) - years 2001, 2003 and 2005-, looking for the incentives of reading projects, to recognize what is produced in our country about this theme. After this kno wleged, we intend to come back to Project Vô Di- Leitores de Luz made by me, looking for to analise your fundaments theorics medotology. By the way, the analises of the theorics projects and the objectives used, show what is produced in the Brazil and internalionality about reading, the incident of the formal education and informal education and the many of te projects that are for inicial grades, medial grade and gratuations, specializations and ONGs. One of the results of this job is the constation that happened a big incidence of projects in the formal education to the informal education, in the maiority of the incentive project are development by the ONGs in the COLEs. / Este trabalho teve por objetivo analisar os Cadernos de Resumo dos três últimos COLEs (Congresso de Leitura) - anos 2001, 2003 e 2005 -, mapeando os projetos de incentivo à leitura, para conhecer o que se produz no País sobre essa temática. A partir desse conhecimento, volto ao Projeto Vô Di - Leitores de Luz, por mim idealizado, buscando analisar seus fundamentos teórico-metodológicos. Por meio da análise dos projetos apresentados nos COLEs, procurei mapear as atividades, os referenciais teóricos e os objetivos utilizados, evidenciando o que é produzido no Brasil e mesmo internacionalmente sobre leitura, a incidência dos projetos na educação formal e na educação não formal e a quantidade de projetos que são voltados às séries iniciais do ensino fundamental, ao ensino médio, aos cursos de graduação, aos cursos de especialização e às ONGs. Um dos resultados deste trabalho é a constatação de que houve uma grande mudança na incidência de projetos da educação formal para a educação não formal, sendo que a maioria dos projetos de incentivo à leitura são desenvolvidos, no COLE, pelas ONGs.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Nesta dissertação, o objetivo é avaliar o comportamento dos membros da Câmara dos Deputados frente às propostas desenvolvimentistas durante o governo de Juscelino Kubitschek. Atualmente, muito se discute sobre o papel do Legislativo durante o período de auge do desenvolvimentismo no Brasil. Se as interpretações clássicas apontavam o Executivo como núcleo decisório, reinterpretações têm emergido em direção à hipótese de que o Congresso não esteve excluído desse processo. Dessa forma, as decisões concernentes a políticas desenvolvimentistas não apenas teriam sido expressão do Executivo, mas também das maiorias congressistas. O mecanismo pelo qual isso teria se tornado possível foi o de delegação de poder. De modo a reassegurar a presença de uma maioria desenvolvimentista na Câmara dos Deputados, o trabalho analisará o posicionamento de congressistas quanto a votações de conteúdo desenvolvimentista ao longo da fase de ápice das controvérsias do desenvolvimento brasileiro, com maior ênfase no período do governo de Juscelino Kubitschek. Tais votações serão catalogadas após exposições a respeito de questões relacionadas com o desenvolvimentismo e serão selecionadas pelo seu conteúdo. Os temas considerados mais importantes são: política alfandegária, infraestrutura, integração regional, isenções, subsídios e crédito. / In this work, the objective is to evaluate the behavior of members of the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil in the face of developmentalist proposals during the Kubitschek government. Currently, there is much discussion about the role of the Congress during the heyday of developmentalism in Brazil. If the classical interpretations pointed to the Executive as the core decision-making, interpretations have emerged toward the hypothesis that the Congress was not excluded from this process. Thus, decisions concerning developmentalist policies have not only been an expression of the Executive, but also of congressional majorities. The mechanism by which this would become possible was the delegation of power. In order to reassure the presence of a developmentalist majority in the Chamber of Deputies, this paper will analyze the position of Congress in relation to votes of developmentalist content during the heyday of the controversies of Brazilian development, with greater emphasis on the period of Kubitschek. These votes will be cataloged after exposures on issues related to developmentalism and will be selected for their content. The issues considered most important are: customs policy, infrastructure, regional integration, exemptions, subsidies and credit.