O presente trabalho analisa o papel desempenhado pelo Congresso Mexicano em temas de política externa no período de 1994-2006 (LVI a LIX Legislaturas), correspondente aos mandatos de Ernesto Zedillo e Vicente Fox, à luz dos processos de liberalização econômica e política experimentados pelo país nas últimas décadas. Adotando como referencial os indicadores nível de atividade e nível de divergência, a hipótese formulada é que, durante o período estudado, o Congresso mexicano apresentou um elevado grau de ativismo, mas sua assertividade foi baixa. Nos momentos de maior confronto com o Executivo, o Congresso demonstrou uma reduzida capacidade institucional de impor suas preferências. As limitações dos congressistas para atuar no domínio da política externa estariam relacionadas a fatores estruturais, como os custos de rejeição de um tratado internacional, e conjunturais, a exemplo da dificuldade de construir consensos no interior das Casas Legislativas a respeito de qual seria o papel do Congresso nesta seara. / This work analyses the role of Mexican Congress in foreign policy issues during the period of 1994-2006 (LVI-LIX Legislature), corresponding to the presidencies of Ernesto Zedillo and Vicente Fox, based on the processes of economic and political liberalization faced by the country in the last decades. Taking into account indicating levels of activity on foreign policy issues and disagreement over foreign policy, the hypothesis formulated is that, during the period studied, the Mexican Congress has shown a high level of activism, however its assertiveness was low. In the moments of confrontation with Executive, the Congress has shown little institutional capacity to impose its preferences. The congressmen limitations to act in the realm of foreign policy could be related to structural factors, such as the costs of an international treaty´s rejection, or conjunctural, such as the difficult of constructing consensus in the Upper and Low chambers about what Congress´s role in foreign affairs issues should be.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:30:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruna Suruagy do Amaral Dantas.pdf: 2651436 bytes, checksum: efc8f29dcb5adf6ce58c5f4b7f16f0f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-21 / In Brazil, the Evangelical churches have entered into the political sphere and have consolidated their strength in the national scenario. Today, they are relevant political players that have power to interfere in the parliament s decisions, and it is no longer possible to ignore their presence in the public space. The interest in politics has expanded so much that Pentecostal denominations of significant importance in the religious field have started to have political assistance regarding the development of electoral strategies, thus enabling the amplification of parliamentary representation and the acquisition of elective offices in the municipal, state and federal spheres. In this way, they started to hold positions of power and became political agents of national significance. In view of the growth of the Evangelical parliamentary representation in Congress, the present study aims to investigate the system of political-religious ideologies of the Evangelical congressmen, in the 2007/2011 term of office. The methodological procedure was semi-structured interviews with congressmen and assistants. Data analysis, based on the concept of ideology developed by Ignacio Martín-Baró, revealed that the members of the Evangelical Parliamentary Front present in their speeches the following ideological presuppositions: the myth of unity and consensus, the denial of antagonism, the commitment to generic representation, the normalization of politics, the conservation of the instituted morality, the preservation of the status quo and the combat against the transformation of the legislative code / No Brasil, as igrejas evangélicas têm ingressado na esfera político-partidária e consolidado sua força no cenário nacional. Atualmente, são atores políticos relevantes, que possuem poder para interferir nas decisões do parlamento, não sendo mais possível ignorar sua presença no espaço público. O interesse pela política expandiu-se tanto que denominações pentecostais de expressiva importância no campo religioso passaram a contar com uma assessoria política que lhes orienta no desenvolvimento de estratégias eleitorais, propiciando, assim, a ampliação da representação parlamentar e a conquista de cargos eletivos nas esferas municipal, estadual e federal. Dessa maneira, começaram a ocupar posições de poder, convertendo-se em agentes políticos de expressividade nacional. Em vista do crescimento da representação parlamentar evangélica na Câmara Federal, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo investigar o sistema de ideologias político-religiosas dos deputados federais evangélicos, na legislatura de 2007/2011. Para tanto, utilizou-se como procedimento metodológico a realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com parlamentares e assessores. A análise dos dados, realizada com base no conceito de ideologia desenvolvido por Ignacio Martín-Baró, revelou que os integrantes da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica apresentam em seus discursos os seguintes pressupostos ideológicos: o mito da unidade e do consenso, a negação do antagonismo, o compromisso com a representação genérica, a normatização da política, a conservação da moralidade instituída, a preservação do status quo e o combate à transformação do código legislativo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Miguel Angelo Marques.pdf: 24228955 bytes, checksum: 700c60165b618a4ec605b4936675d0e5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-29 / In Brazil, the Legislative branch has always been present in the process of establishment and conclusion of International Treaties. In the Imperial Period, even though the 1824 Charter Policy did not formally provide for the General Assembly participation, it could conceivably be said that the conduct of the foreign affairs was carried out in practice by four State agencies: the Emperor, the Cabinet of Ministers, the Council of State and the Parliament. From the Proclamation of the Republic, all the constitutional texts provided expressly for the participation of the National Congress in the process of production of Treaty Texts. However none of our Constitutions ‒ including the current one ‒ has handled the participation of the Legislative branch in cases of termination of treaty texts and thus the power to cease the treat has always been exclusively held by the Executive branch (even in those cases where the ratification of the international instrument depended on the National Congress approval). This much discussed issue in the doctrine field has been brought to the Supreme Federal Court on June 16th, 1997 by the means of the Direct Unconstitutionality Action (ADI) 1625 that pleaded the declaration of unconstitutionality of Decree 2,100 of December 20th, 1996 which made public the cease of the Convention 158 of the International Organization of Labor (OIT) for offence to the provisions of art. 49, I of the Constitution. Within the scope of the judgment of this process filed by the National Confederation of the Workers in Agriculture (CONTAG) and the Central Workers Union Confederation (CUT), three out the four Ministers who have already voted have acknowledged the need of prior consent from the National Congress to the Executive branch to proceed to the termination of Treaty Texts. If this understanding persists in the C. Supreme Federal Court there will be an important change of model in the field of the Law of Treaties, which is a basic issue under the international law. This Master s dissertation aims to foster discussions within the academic community concerning the need (or not) for the Brazilian Parliament participation in Treaties, Conventions and International Acts termination process / No Brasil, o Poder Legislativo sempre se fez presente no processo de celebração e conclusão de Tratados Internacionais. No Período Imperial, embora a Carta Política de 1824 não contemplasse, formalmente, a participação da Assembleia Geral, pode-se dizer que, na prática, a condução das relações exteriores era realizada por um conjunto de quatro órgãos do Estado: o Imperador, o Gabinete de Ministros, o Conselho de Estado e o Parlamento. Com a Proclamação da República, todos os textos constitucionais subsequentes passaram a assegurar, de forma expressa, a participação do Congresso Nacional no processo de produção de Textos Convencionais. Contudo, nenhuma de nossas Constituições, inclusive a atual, regulou a participação do Poder Legislativo nos casos de extinção de textos convencionais, razão por que o poder de denunciar tratados sempre foi exercido, de forma exclusiva, pelo Poder Executivo (mesmo nos casos em que a ratificação do instrumento internacional tenha dependido de aprovação do Congresso Nacional). Essa questão, muito debatida no campo doutrinário, chegou ao Supremo Tribunal Federal em 16 de junho de 1997, através da Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade (ADI) 1625, por meio da qual se pleiteava a declaração de inconstitucionalidade do Decreto nº 2.100 de 20 de dezembro de 1996, que tornou pública a denúncia da Convenção n° 158 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT), por ofensa ao disposto no art. 49, I da Constituição Federal. No bojo do julgamento dessa demanda, ajuizada pela Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura (CONTAG) e pela Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT), três dos quatro ministros, que já proferiram seus votos, reconheceram a necessidade de prévia autorização do Congresso Nacional para o Poder Executivo efetivar a denúncia de Textos Convencionais. Persistindo esse entendimento no C. Supremo Tribunal Federal, haverá uma mudança de paradigma importante no campo do Direito dos Tratados, tema fundamental na área do direito internacional. A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por escopo fomentar, no meio acadêmico, discussões acerca da necessidade (ou não) da participação do Parlamento brasileiro nos casos de denúncia de Tratados, Convenções e Atos Internacionais

Black Capitol investigates the persistence of racial inequality in the federal legislative workforce. I frame the existence of racial inequality in Congress not as an outgrowth of certain racist members of Congress, but as a defining characteristic of the institution. I analyze how these disparities are produced by and through an institutional structure formed by race. This leads me to offer the concept of Congress as a raced political institution. I use the term raced political institution to mean institutions, organized for the purposes of government, in which race is embedded in the organizational structure, and is a determining factor of how labor and space is organized on the formal level. In addition, I use the term to informally capture how perceptions of power influence identity construction, interactions, and culture. I build on scholarship from critical race theorists, to argue that Congress is a seminal institution in the American racial state, responsible for structuring race and inequality in American society. From the perspective of Black legislative staff, who currently or previously worked in the Capitol, I assess how the congressional workforce is stratified, how physical space is segregated, and how interactions and identities are racialized. I employ a mixed methods approach, including over 70 semi-structured interviews with current and former legislative employees, archival research, and ethnographic observations of the staff organizations. This analysis contributes to a wide range of scholarly conversations about citizenship, representation, democracy, and bureaucracy. More broadly, this work raises important questions about the distribution of power in the American political system and how inequality in Congress reverberates off of Capitol Hill.

Nos anos 90 era comum que a distinção entre o traficante e o usuário estivesse baseada nos artigos da antiga lei de drogas, ou seja, em criminalizar alguém por drogas por meio dos artigos 16 ou 12. Eram os próprios números dos artigos das leis que representavam socialmente e distinguiam um usuário (16) de um traficante de drogas (12) e, claro, o modo como à polícia poderia ou não incriminar alguém dentro do sistema de justiça criminal no Brasil. Após o ano de 2006, o Estado Brasileiro promulga a chamada Nova Lei de Drogas com o objetivo de deslocar o usuário de drogas para o sistema de saúde ao mesmo tempo em que aumenta a punição para os traficantes. Assim, este trabalho analisa as principais implicações da chamada nova lei de drogas lei 11.343 de 2006 desde a sua formulação no sistema político até a sua aplicação no sistema de justiça criminal tendo como problemática empírica geral o fenômeno da intensificação do encarceramento por tráfico de drogas no Brasil, sobretudo, após o advento da nova lei. Para tanto, a análise parte da formulação que o novo dispositivo de drogas no Congresso Nacional teve, dentre os seus principais objetivos, dispor: i) o fim da pena de prisão para o usuário de drogas; ii) o advento de um tratamento médico para o usuário; iii) o aumento da punição para o traficante mediante a expansão de grupos criminosos no início dos anos 2000, sobretudo, em São Paulo. Ou seja, está em jogo à modificação da representação social do traficante e do usuário que bifurca entre uma nova representação médico-social do usuário agora visto como um doente e objeto das instituições de saúde e assistência social e uma velha representação criminal do traficante como inimigo agora visto como um indivíduo perigoso e organizado. São estas duas figuras que engendram a formulação de um novo dispositivo de drogas com diferentes tipos de punições para a venda e o uso de drogas no Brasil nos anos 2000. Argumento que a introdução desse novo dispositivo chamado aqui de dispositivo médico-criminal de drogas produziu uma nova maneira de governar os usuários e traficantes de drogas e que trouxe, como uma das principais consequências, a intensificação da criminalização por tráfico de drogas e a rejeição do deslocamento do usuário para outro sistema que não o sistema de justiça criminal. Assim, demonstro que há uma nova maneira de administração estatal da droga no Brasil, qual é a sua história e como ela desenvolveu práticas no sistema de justiça criminal: como um copo meio vazio de médico e cheio de prisão. / In the 90s it was common that the distinction between the drug dealer and the user was based on the articles from the old drug law, in other words, criminalize someone for drugs through the articles \"16\" or \"12\". Were the very numbers of these articles that used to represent socially and distinguish a user (16) from a drug dealer (12) and, of course, the way the police could incriminate someone or not within the criminal justice system in Brazil. After 2006, the Brazilian State passed the so called New Drug Law in order to move the drug user to the health system while increasing the punishment for traffickers. Thus, this study analyzes the main implications of the new so called drug law - Law 11.343 of 2006 - since its formulation in the political system to its application in the criminal justice system, assuming as a general empirical problem the phenomenon of imprisonment and its increase for trafficking drugs in Brazil, especially after the advent of the new law. Therefore, the analysis assumes that the new drug device in National Congress had, among its main goals, to dispose: i) the end of a prison sentence for drug users; ii) the advent of a medical treatment for the user; iii) an increasing of the punishment for the trafficker due to the expansion of criminal groups in the early 2000s, especially in São Paulo. Ie, what is at stake is the changing in the social representation of drug dealers and users which leads to a bifurcation between a new medical and social representation of the user - now seen as \"sick\" and subject for health and social care institutions - and an old criminal representation of the dealer as an enemy - now seen as an individual \"dangerous and organized.\" These are the two figures that engender the development of a new drug device with different types of punishments for the sale and use of drugs in Brazil in the 2000s. I argue that the introduction of this new device called here as medical- criminal drug device - has produced a new way to govern users and drug dealers and it brought, as one of the main consequences, the increased criminalization of drug trafficking and the rejection of the user displacement to another system other than the criminal justice system. The research, therefore, seeks to first show how new ideas were developed in the formulation of a new drug device, secondly, what were the main implications of this device within the criminal justice system. Thus, I demonstrate that there is a new way of state administration of drugs in Brazil, what is your story and how it developed new practices in the criminal justice system: as a half empty glass of medicine and full of imprisonment.

Nos anos 90 era comum que a distinção entre o traficante e o usuário estivesse baseada nos artigos da antiga lei de drogas, ou seja, em criminalizar alguém por drogas por meio dos artigos 16 ou 12. Eram os próprios números dos artigos das leis que representavam socialmente e distinguiam um usuário (16) de um traficante de drogas (12) e, claro, o modo como à polícia poderia ou não incriminar alguém dentro do sistema de justiça criminal no Brasil. Após o ano de 2006, o Estado Brasileiro promulga a chamada Nova Lei de Drogas com o objetivo de deslocar o usuário de drogas para o sistema de saúde ao mesmo tempo em que aumenta a punição para os traficantes. Assim, este trabalho analisa as principais implicações da chamada nova lei de drogas lei 11.343 de 2006 desde a sua formulação no sistema político até a sua aplicação no sistema de justiça criminal tendo como problemática empírica geral o fenômeno da intensificação do encarceramento por tráfico de drogas no Brasil, sobretudo, após o advento da nova lei. Para tanto, a análise parte da formulação que o novo dispositivo de drogas no Congresso Nacional teve, dentre os seus principais objetivos, dispor: i) o fim da pena de prisão para o usuário de drogas; ii) o advento de um tratamento médico para o usuário; iii) o aumento da punição para o traficante mediante a expansão de grupos criminosos no início dos anos 2000, sobretudo, em São Paulo. Ou seja, está em jogo à modificação da representação social do traficante e do usuário que bifurca entre uma nova representação médico-social do usuário agora visto como um doente e objeto das instituições de saúde e assistência social e uma velha representação criminal do traficante como inimigo agora visto como um indivíduo perigoso e organizado. São estas duas figuras que engendram a formulação de um novo dispositivo de drogas com diferentes tipos de punições para a venda e o uso de drogas no Brasil nos anos 2000. Argumento que a introdução desse novo dispositivo chamado aqui de dispositivo médico-criminal de drogas produziu uma nova maneira de governar os usuários e traficantes de drogas e que trouxe, como uma das principais consequências, a intensificação da criminalização por tráfico de drogas e a rejeição do deslocamento do usuário para outro sistema que não o sistema de justiça criminal. Assim, demonstro que há uma nova maneira de administração estatal da droga no Brasil, qual é a sua história e como ela desenvolveu práticas no sistema de justiça criminal: como um copo meio vazio de médico e cheio de prisão. / In the 90s it was common that the distinction between the drug dealer and the user was based on the articles from the old drug law, in other words, criminalize someone for drugs through the articles \"16\" or \"12\". Were the very numbers of these articles that used to represent socially and distinguish a user (16) from a drug dealer (12) and, of course, the way the police could incriminate someone or not within the criminal justice system in Brazil. After 2006, the Brazilian State passed the so called New Drug Law in order to move the drug user to the health system while increasing the punishment for traffickers. Thus, this study analyzes the main implications of the new so called drug law - Law 11.343 of 2006 - since its formulation in the political system to its application in the criminal justice system, assuming as a general empirical problem the phenomenon of imprisonment and its increase for trafficking drugs in Brazil, especially after the advent of the new law. Therefore, the analysis assumes that the new drug device in National Congress had, among its main goals, to dispose: i) the end of a prison sentence for drug users; ii) the advent of a medical treatment for the user; iii) an increasing of the punishment for the trafficker due to the expansion of criminal groups in the early 2000s, especially in São Paulo. Ie, what is at stake is the changing in the social representation of drug dealers and users which leads to a bifurcation between a new medical and social representation of the user - now seen as \"sick\" and subject for health and social care institutions - and an old criminal representation of the dealer as an enemy - now seen as an individual \"dangerous and organized.\" These are the two figures that engender the development of a new drug device with different types of punishments for the sale and use of drugs in Brazil in the 2000s. I argue that the introduction of this new device called here as medical- criminal drug device - has produced a new way to govern users and drug dealers and it brought, as one of the main consequences, the increased criminalization of drug trafficking and the rejection of the user displacement to another system other than the criminal justice system. The research, therefore, seeks to first show how new ideas were developed in the formulation of a new drug device, secondly, what were the main implications of this device within the criminal justice system. Thus, I demonstrate that there is a new way of state administration of drugs in Brazil, what is your story and how it developed new practices in the criminal justice system: as a half empty glass of medicine and full of imprisonment.

Embora existam estudos relevantes no Brasil a respeito do controle de constitucionalidade exercido pelo STF, o assunto ainda demanda pesquisa. Uma das áreas de pesquisa que precisa ser aprofundada é a dinâmica da interação ao longo do tempo entre o órgão judicial que exerce o controle de constitucionalidade e os órgãos que editam atos normativos sujeitos ao controle de constitucionalidade. Diante disso, o objeto desta tese é o exame da interação entre o STF e o Congresso Nacional nos anos de 1988 a 2013 decorrente da declaração judicial de inconstitucionalidade de atos normativos do Congresso Nacional. A tese baseia-se em uma pesquisa de jurisprudência e de legislação, e adota perspectiva teórica que reconhece haver um contínuo diálogo institucional entre os Poderes. Um dos objetivos da tese é descrever os padrões das decisões judiciais que declararam a inconstitucionalidade de atos normativos, e as possíveis relações entre a deliberação judicial e a legislação subsequente. Outro objetivo do estudo é proporcionar parâmetros para avaliação da contínua interação entre o controle de constitucionalidade exercido pelo STF e a atividade do Congresso Nacional. Terceiro objetivo é identificar desafios que devem ser enfrentados caso se pretenda fortalecer a legitimidade do diálogo entre os Poderes. / There are relevant studies made in Brazil about Federal Supreme Court judicial review, but the subject still demands research. One of the research areas that needs to be deepened is the dynamic of the interaction over time between the judicial branch that controls the constitutionality of legislation and the legislative branch that make the norms subject to judicial review. In the face of this, the object of this thesis is to exam the interaction between the Federal Supreme Court and the National Congress in the period of 1988 to 2013 derived from judicial decisions that declared norms unconstitutional. The thesis is based on a research of judicial decisions and legislation, and it adopts a theoretical perspective that recognizes a continuous institutional dialogue between the Powers. One of the objectives of the thesis is to describe the patterns of the judicial decisions that declared norms unconstitutional, and the feasible connections between the judicial deliberation and subsequent legislation. Another objective of the study is to provide standards to assess the continuous interaction between the Federal Supreme Court judicial review and the activity of the National Congress. The third objective is to identify challenges that must be faced if one pretend to strengthen the legitimacy of the dialogue between the Powers.

The purpose of “Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez: A Case Study of Social Media as an Agenda Setting Tool in the U.S. House of Representatives” is to explore the impact of a politician’s social media presence on agenda setting in Congress. It was born out of the research question, “how do freshman members of the House of Representatives seek power and influence in their first term?” I answer this using Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez as a case study, as she is a current freshman legislator with undeniable power and influence. I studied Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s tweets from two time periods: the month leading up to her election and her second month in office. I categorized and counted each tweet into 4 categories that yielded quantifiable results. Subsequently, I did a textual analysis of certain tweets from the two periods and explained their relevance to her shift in content and success as a public figure. I found that since being elected, the proportion of Rep. Ocasio-Cortez tweets about National issues increased by four times more than during her primary. Additionally, after being elected, her tweets about her District were proportionally one-fourth of they were during her primary campaign. I interpret this finding as Rep. Ocasio-Cortez’s efforts to influence the national agenda, a task rarely taken on by a freshman Representative. I also found that she had nearly doubled the proportion of tweets that fall under the Extraneous category, utilizing personal anecdotes, inspirational messages, feminist actions and insights, and calls for progressive leadership that connect with her audience and set her apart from strictly policy-oriented politician Twitter accounts. Altogether, I have analyzed Rep. Ocasio-Cortez’s Twitter presence and believe it to be a key element of her success in agenda setting as a freshman Congress member.

自2007年第七屆立法委員選舉開始，我國國會選舉制度正式換軌為單一選區兩票制，立法院是中華民國目前唯一的國會，國會助理成為選民和立委之間的橋樑，並代理立法委員提供選民服務，隨著選區選民服務個案數量的增加，選民服務的內容有哪些，國會助理如何處理選民服務案件以及國會助理如何透過選民服務的過程，以獲得工作上的成就感等主題，值得深究。 本研究以立意抽樣方式，採質化半結構深入訪談法，面訪立法院(第七屆末及第八屆初)區域立委立法院辦公室主要或部分負責選民服務案件的助理及主任等12人，旨在探討瞭解國會助理選民服務的工作內容及選民服務所帶來的成就感。 本研究經由訪談之後的資料分析，所獲得的重要發現如下： 一、助理工作、內容複雜多樣：在國會辦公室中，大都設有負責行政庶務，負責　　質詢議題、問政資料蒐集與整理，掌管選民服務及辦公室主任等各樣助理。 二、成為助理、多種雇用機緣：成為助理的管道多元，諸如透過立法院公佈欄，網路上的徵人啟事，寄履歷表應徵，擔任立法委員參選時輔選團隊等機緣。 三、工作評價、感受正負不一：正面是可以充分發揮對政治的理想與抱負，累積待人處事的經驗，增進人際關係能力等；但負面在於沒有升遷或加薪的機會。 四、服務案件、來自多元管道：選民服務案件來自選區服務處或所接到的陳情案件，中央黨部或者黨團轉介，或在委員的臉書或網頁上留言，電子郵件陳情等。 五、選民服務、事關連任至巨：在單一選區制的情況下，區域立委的產生來自選票，一位委員能否獲得連任成功，和國會助理的選民服務成果關係密切。 六、服務選民、尤需熱忱耐性：選民大都遇到困難才會提出服務要求，因此助理在處理服務案件時要有耐心，並要讓選民感受到助理的熱心及熱情。 七、有些案件、令人心生焦慮：有些案件具有較大壓力，其來源多元多樣，諸如時間急迫，陳情人緊迫盯人，選民的焦急情緒及舉動，選區人情壓力等。 八、助理工作、連帶收穫豐碩：擔任助理可以學習處世經驗，提升自我，並累積各種人際關係，交到許多的好朋友，還可在所接觸的案件中，充實自我。 　　本研究並根據訪談資料分析所得到的研究發現，提出以下研究建議： 一、對國會助理之建議：擔任助理有必要大力提升法學素養；從事選民服務工作時，須展現高度熱情；體認助理工作之不易，時時充實自己；而助理工作並無升遷機會，要另謀高就有待增加專業能力；努力學習溝通技巧，此事關係工作成效；對於有意從政者，趁從事助理機會紮根選區，預作從政準備；善用助理職務可利用資源，廣結善緣。 二、對相關單位建議：國會助理任期隨立法委員進退，因此雇用期間基本上僅4年，因此，助理任用亟須強化保障；同時，福利待遇亦有待大力加強。 三、對立法委員之建議：助理對選民服務之成效，事關連任與否甚巨，因此，在聘任助理人員時，必須慎選人才。 關鍵字：國會助理，工作內容，工作成就感 / Abstract Since 2007 the Seventh Legislative Yuan elections, Taiwan’s Congressional electoral system officially has changed to a "single-constituency, two-ballot" electoral system. The Legislative Yuan is the only Congress in Republic of China and Legislative assistants have become the main communication bridge/door between voters and legislators, and also have become the go between for legislators and their voters. However, with the increase in the number of cases, this is a relative topic worthy for us to explore, eg, What is the extent of services for voters? How do the legislative assistants successfully manage and deal with the voters’ cases, and also get a sense of accomplishment from the work? Selective sampling was chosen for this study, using qualitative, semi-structured, in-depth interviews, 12 legislators assistants and directors were interviewed. They were mainly or partly in charge of services for voters, and worked for the regional office of legislators (the late seventh and early eighth) of Regional Office in Legislative Yuan. The main purpose of this study was to explore and understand the content voter services work and the sense of accomplishment brought by the work of legislative/congress assistants. The results of data analysis with in-depth interviews of legislative assistants and legislators offices directors are followed. First, the content of assistant work is complex and diverse: Usually in most congress offices, there are several assistants, who are specifically in charge for different parts of work, such as administrative assistant; assistant - who is responsible for questions topics; assistant - who would work on data collection and sorting of politics; and office director - who administrates the legislator office and voter services. Second, there are many different ways to be a legislative assistant: such as sending resume through Bulletin board in Legislative Yuan or Job’s online website; or joining the campaign group for the legislator and for delivering votes for the legislator and so on. Third, Job evaluation; there are advantages and shortcomings from legislative assistant work: the advantage of this work is, people can give full play to their political ideas and aspirations; they can earn accumulated experience of dealing with people, and enhance interpersonal skills; but the shortcoming is lack of opportunities for promotion and pay raise. Forth, voter service cases from the multiple places: voters service cases usually are received from several different places, such as the constituencies services department or have been referred from headquarters or from the caucus; also, voters can leave a message or send a petition on legislator’s Facebook, web page, or e-mail. Fifth, Voter service is related to the next election/campaign of legislator: In the case of single-constituency, two-ballot " electoral system, the outcome of the relationship between voters service and ballot is closely connected; each ballot influences a present legislator on his/her success for the next campaign and chances of being the next legislator. Sixth, Voter service needs work with enthusiasm and patience: Mostly voters will request for the voters service when they are facing real difficulty. Therefore, it needs more patience when a legislative assistant is working on these cases, and also need to show their enthusiasm and passion for the people. Seventh, some of cases are urgent: some (voter service) cases must be dealt with urgently, the pressure comes from different factors, such as, limited time; hot-pursuit of the petitioner; the anxious mood of the voters; and personal pressure. Eighth, assistant job comes with benefit: Being a legislative assistant can learn the manner of dealing with people and situations, Self-improvement and accumulate a variety of interpersonal skills such as collect a network of good friends. Also, a legislative experience can lead to self-enrichment. According to the analysis and research of data and interviews in this study, this study provides the following suggestions for congress assistants, relative departments and legislators: 1. For legislative/congress assistants: As a legislative/congress assistant, they need to improve their literacy of law; he/she needs to show the high enthusiasm during the voter service; understanding of complex legislative assistant work, and self-improvement; due to the lack of opportunities for promotion, congress/legislative assistants need to enhance their own professional competence if they want to change the job in the future; increase the skills of communication, it’s relative to the results of work; for those, who wants to be a politician, they should take note of the process during their experience as an assistant; properly using all the resources as an assistant, and create a big network of contacts. 2. For other departments: a congressional aides /legislative assistant’s work term is based on legislator’s tenure. It’s basically only 4 years period of employment. Therefore, they need to strengthen their job’s security, and also vigorously improve their salary and benefits. 3. For legislators: The outcome of the relationship between voters service and assistant is closely connected, it influences the present legislator’s next campaign. Therefore, they should be careful who they choose to hire an assistant. Key words: congress/legislative assistants, the content of assistant work, sense of accomplishment from the work

Dans ce travail, on utilise la question raciale comme un prisme pour étudier le parti politique African National Congress (ANC), en se focalisant sur trois problèmes de recherche : la production de discours, la régulation et le changement partisan. Notre postulat de départ est que le positionnement idéologique nationaliste de l'ANC est un positionnement ambigu et pluriel, entre non-racialisme et nationalisme africain, entre caractère multi-classes et biais en faveur des pauvres et des travailleurs. C'est un consensus hétérogène sur ce positionnement multiple qui « tient » le parti ensemble. On entend tout d'abord démontrer que dans le contexte de la nouvelle Afrique du Sud démocratique et non-raciale, ce positionnement pluriel amène le parti à développer des discours alternatifs et à construire des identités collectives emboîtées, notamment dans son offre électorale. On étudie ensuite comment le nouvel environnement post-apartheid, celui d'une société normalisée où les clivages raciaux et socio-économiques évoluent, met en péril le consensus sur lequel repose l'ANC et émet des pressions sur le parti pour qu'il change et se repositionne. Enfin, on démontre qu'idéologie et organisation sont liées : du positionnement pluriel de l'ANC sur la question raciale découlent des règles formelles et informelles d'organisation et de fonctionnement.