A construção da infância como portadora do futuro na América Latina é o tema sobre o qual está estruturada esta tese, pela qual buscamos identificar, analisar e qualificar em quais termos se delineou esse tema através do movimento de problematização da infância no continente americano, especialmente na América Latina, o qual teve sua expressão mais destacada na realização dos Congresos Panamericanos del Niño desde 1916 até 1948, num total de nove edições. Para isso utilizamos diversas fontes impressas, com especial destaque para a documentação produzida pelos Congresos Panamericanos del Niño, como os seus Anais, Boletins de organização, além de livros de época, conformando um denso corpo documental. Através dessas fontes identificamos o relevante número de sujeitos e instituições envolvidos, direta ou indiretamente, com o tema da infância; o processo de constituição de especialidades profissionais, como médicos, juristas, assistentes sociais, pedagogos, publicistas, filantropos, políticos, os quais procuravam problematizar a vida infantil nos aspectos econômico, político, demográfico, social, racial, biológico, civilizacional, científico, e propunham inúmeras formas e políticas sociais para reformar, intervir, controlar a infância pobre e suas famílias, no intuito de forjar nações modernas, civilizadas, ordeiras, biológica e geneticamente regeneradas e robustas, laboriosas, organizadas hierarquicamente por classes. Para um novo mundo, uma nova infância deveria ser produzida no interstício entre a gestação e a idade adulta. A infância, para tal movimento, portava o futuro da América Latina como uma possibilidade que deveria ser confirmada pela construção de todo um novo universo, conduzida pelos especialistas, no qual a experiência infantil deveria ocorrer. / The construction of childhood as a holder of the future in Latin America is the theme on which this thesis is structured, for which we identify, analyze and classify those childhood in accordance with this theme. Indeed we outlined in this thesis the motion for discussion of childhood in the American continent, especially in Latin America, which had its most prominent achievement in the « Congresos Pan Americanos del Niño » from 1916 to 1948. Considering this we have outlined a total of nine issues. They were extracted from various printed sources, with particular emphasis on the documentation produced by the « Congresos Pan Americanos del Niño », its Proceedings, organizational newsletters, and , old books. All those documents formed a dense data base where our work was grounded. Through these sources we identified a significant involvement of numerous individuals and institutions involved directly or indirectly with children\'s issues. These specialists such as doctors, lawyers, social workers, teachers, publicists, philanthropists, politicians, have been seeking how to discuss the child life in the economic, political, demographic, social, racial, biological, civilization, science, and thus proposed numerous strategies and social policies to reform and intervene to control the poor children and their families in order to forge modern nations, civilized, organized hierarchically into classes, orderly, organic and genetically regenerated and robust, laborious. Towards a new world, a new childhood should be produced in the interstices between gestation and adulthood. Childhood, for such a movement, held the future of Latin America as a possibility, which should be confirmed by the construction of a whole new universe, led by experts, in which childhood experience should occur.

Em 1903, cerca de duzentos representantes das classes produtoras reuniram-se em Belo Horizonte para a realização do Congresso Agrícola, Industrial e Comercial de Minas Gerais. Estes homens foram convidados a debater medidas para alavancar o progresso do estado, que enfrentava forte crise econômica, decorrente, sobretudo, da queda nos valores do café, seu principal produto de exportação. O Congresso nasceu de uma iniciativa do presidente do estado, Francisco Salles, encabeçada por João Pinheiro da Silva, cujo intuito era ouvir representantes das atividades produtivas. Vindos de diversas regiões, principalmente do Centro, da Mata e do Sul, eles construíram um amplo painel da economia mineira, no qual inseriram questões sobre a educação. Nesta tese, tendo como principais fontes periódicos, legislação e biografias, procurou-se analisar essas manifestações em conjunto e separadamente, identificando autores, objetivos, destinatários e referências para a compreensão do que, na passagem do século XIX para o XX, deveria ser o ensino profissional ou, precisamente, a educação considerada como necessária e propícia ao progresso econômico. O representantes das classes produtoras apresentaram propostas de instrução com enfoques diferenciados com relação ao tipo de ensino, suas modalidades e níveis. Também foi possível identificar aspectos comuns ao debate educacional coetâneo, tais como a atribuição do atraso econômico à falta de instrução que preparasse para o trabalho. Desse modo, os representantes apontaram a necessidade de modificar técnicas, procedimentos, instrumentos e materiais para uma produção mais moderna e racional, e defenderam propostas de formação dos dirigentes das atividades produtivas e dos quadros técnicos e a educação do trabalhador. / In 1903, about two hundred representatives of the producing classes met in Belo Horizonte for the achievement of the Agricultural, Industrial and Commercial Congress of Minas Gerais. These men were invited to discuss means to leverage the state progress, which faced severe economic crisis, chiefly due to the fall in coffee values, its main export product. The congress was an initiative of the president of the state, Francisco Salles, headed by João Pinheiro da Silva, and aimed to hear representatives of productive activities. Coming from various regions, particularly the Centre, the Mata and the South, they built a broad panel of Minas Gerais economy, in which they introduced questions about education. In this thesis, using mainly journalistic sources, legislation and biographies, we sought to analyze these events together and separately, identifying authors, objectives, receivers and references to the understanding of what should be vocational education, namely the education considered necessary and propitious to economic progress in the late nineteenth century to the twentieth. The representatives of the producing classes presented instruction propositions with different approaches regarding the type of school, its modalities and levels. It was also possible to identify common aspects of coeval educational debate, such as the association of economic backwardness to the lack of instruction to prepare for work. Thus, the representatives pointed out the need to modify techniques, procedures, tools and materials for a more modern and rational production and advocated propositions on the formation of leaders of productive activities and technical staff and on the worker education.

Abstract The research examines the U.S. approach to the independence of the Philippines and its stages at the end of the 1920's and in the early 1930's. The Philippines belonged to the United States from 1898 to 1946. The relationship between the two countries was quite controversial from the very beginning. Many of the different phases and factors resulted in the U.S. Congress passing a law in March 1934, which guaranteed full independence to the Philippines after a ten-year transition period. The birth of the law which led to Philippine independence was a complex political process, with a number of variables influencing the attitudes and the solution. These factors accounting for the formation of the solution changed as time progressed. One of the key variables in terms of the Act of Independence began when the Great Depression began in 1929, which affected especially agricultural producers. As the Philippines was administratively a part of the federal government, in these circles it was seen that only independence could be the solution to close the archipelago outside of the domestic market. In fact, the sugar and coconut imports from the Philippines were not a real competitor to the federal farmers. In addition to the domestic farmers the Cuban sugar producers, who were headed by U.S. investors, felt that Philippine duty-free import was challenging their share of the federal market. They were of the opinion that the independence of the Philippines could guarantee them better market positions in the federal sugar market, and strove to promote the Independence Act as soon as possible. As a result of the worsening unemployment situation Filipino migrant workers started competing for scarce jobs. As a part of the United States Filipinos had free immigration rights. In particular, on the west coast and in the employees' organizations, independence was seen as the easiest way to limit immigration. In addition to the economic cycle other significant factors were the changes in foreign policy, and in particular the rise of Japan as a powerful superpower in the Far East. The federal government and the majority of the Congress represented opposing views of the independence issue. The Congress was able to show strength in this confrontation. The main sources of the material consist of the U.S. government documents, the Congress document collections, foreign relations document collections, memoirs and other documents. / Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Yhdysvaltain suhtautumista Filippiinien itsenäistymiseen ja siihen liittyneisiin vaiheisiin 1920 -luvun lopulla ja 1930-luvun alkupuoliskolla. Filippiinit kuuluivat Yhdysvalloille vuosina 1898–1946. Maiden välinen suhde oli hyvin kiistanalainen alusta alkaen. Monien eri vaiheiden ja tekijöiden seurauksena Yhdysvaltain kongressi hyväksyi maaliskuussa 1934 lain, joka takasi Filippiineille täyden itsenäisyyden kymmenen vuoden siirtymäajan jälkeen. Filippiinien itsenäistymiseen johtaneen lain synty oli monimutkainen poliittinen prosessi, jossa oli useita suhtautumiseen ja ratkaisuun vaikuttaneita muuttujia. Näiden tekijöiden osuus ratkaisun muodostumiseen muuttui ajan edetessä. Yksi keskeisimmistä muuttujista itsenäisyyslain suhteen oli vuonna 1929 Yhdysvalloissa alkanut suuri lamakausi, josta kärsivät erityisesti maataloustuottajat. Koska Filippiinit oli hallinnollisesti osa liittovaltiota, näissä piireissä nähtiin, että ainoastaan itsenäisyys voisi saattaa saariston sisämarkkinoiden ulkopuolelle. Filippiineiltä tuotava sokeri ja kookosöljy eivät olleet todelliset kilpailijat liittovaltion viljelijöille. Kotimaan viljelijäväestön lisäksi Kuuban sokerintuotantoon investoineet amerikkalaiset sijoittajapiirit kokivat Filippiinien tullivapaan tuonnin vievän heiltä markkinoita. He katsoivat, että Filippiinien itsenäisyys takaisi paremmat markkina-asemat liittovaltion sokerimarkkinoilla ja pyrkivät edistämään itsenäisyyslain mahdollisimman pikaista säätämistä. Alati pahenevan työttömyyden seurauksen filippiiniläiset siirtotyöläiset kilpailivat hupenevista työpaikoista. Filippiiniläisille oli taattu vapaa maahanmuutto-oikeus. Etenkin länsirannikolla ja työntekijäjärjestöissä saarten itsenäistyminen nähtiin olevan helpoin tie maahanmuuton rajoittamiseen. Taloudellisten suhdanteiden ohella muita merkittäviä tekijöitä olivat muutokset ulkopolitiikassa ja etenkin Japanin nousu voimakkaaksi suurvallaksi Kaukoidässä. Liittovaltion hallinto ja kongressin enemmistö edustivat vastakkaisia näkemyssuuntia itsenäisyyskysymyksessä. Kongressi pystyi osoittamaan voimansa tässä vastakkainasettelussa. Tutkimuksen keskeisin lähdeaineisto koostuu Yhdysvaltain hallinnon asiakirjoista, kongressin asiakirjakokoelmista, ulkoaisainhallinnon asiakirjakokoelmista, muistelmista sekä lähdeteoksista.

After three hundred and forty-two years of colonialism and apartheid, South Africans of all walks of life experienced their first democratic elections in 1994. Now, as the country is at the precipice of the 5th democratic elections, it has known no government other than the African National Congress (ANC). The ANC has had landslide victories at the ballot box and always managed to secure an electoral vote of around 66%. These victories have not been by accident and have been carefully managed through an Alliance Pact with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). The nature of the Alliance has infiltrated and influenced the character of contemporary South African public administration. This study postulates vigorously that an alliance is not a coalition, but rather a partnership of ideological semblance and political decorum. This is most significantly expressed through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR). The study further elucidates the notion that the NDR remains the main political artery of the ANC and is seminal in the policy debates and critical platforms for each of the Alliance Partners. The study affirms that irrespective of this convergence of ideology, there is periodic divergence on the leadership role of the ANC viz a viz that of the Alliance as the strategic centre for policy and governance issues. However, the ANC has over the years successfully challenged this assertion and through practice, led the Alliance in a politically driven manner that is predicated on consultation, due diligence and functional purpose. However, any member of the SACP or COSATU who desires to be part of parliament or the executive is required to be a member of the ANC. This, the study asserts, is the new formation of a political partnership. The study adumbrates that the SACP (even though it is registered as a political party with the Independent Electoral Commission) and COSATU do not contest elections separately. As part of the agreement, only the ANC contests elections and as such leads the Alliance. While COSATU and the SACP provide advice through Alliance structures on the deployment of cadres in the public service, the deployment committee is an ANC structure and the final decisions in regard to deployment resides with the ANC. This study has reinterpreted the dialogue within the Tripartite Alliance and how this has moulded the political nomenclature of the ANC, and the solidified impact on the way in which public administration is affected and effected in South Africa and vice versa. The study presents with equanimity how the practice, for example, of dual membership of two political organisations (ANC and SACP) enriches the public service and the policy-making process in a developmental state. It furthermore points to the imperative for a clear underlying ideology (as provided for through the NDR) and certainty as to who leads in such an arrangement. This study finds that it is through the Alliance structures that individual leaders within the Governing Party (ANC) are held to account for their actions – and after a hundred years of existence, the ANC and Alliance structures have managed to address the challenges of time, the pressures of political stress and the coalition of a “broad-based political church”. The logic of maintaining this political marriage and developmental triangulation, and also interpreting the essence of consolidating party manifestos to its membership, and further to preserving democratic principles, while at the same time translating this into the action of good governance in South Africa, is complex, yet manageable. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / am2013 / School of Public Management and Administration / unrestricted

The goal of this thesis is to create a marketing strategy for the hotel Jana a.s. located in Přerov (cental Moravia). It is divided into theoretical and practical part. The theoretical part introduces the basic marketing terms and the practical part applies them in practise on the example of hotel Jana a.s. Marketing research is included in order to analyze the current situation within internal and external environment of the hotel. The data from the hotel and his annual reports were used together with data from Czech Statistical Office and responsible ministries. Financial situation is analyzed using horizontal and vertical analysis of assets and liabilities plus some selected indicators (ROA, ROE etc.). The strategy is build and marketing mix is designed based on the outcome of all analyses.

Orientador: Maria Lygia Quartim de Moraes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T09:58:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mano_MairaKubikTaveira_D.pdf: 3225011 bytes, checksum: 166d3984f99020e04017db071d3f7587 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Nessa tese, investigo a atuação da Bancada Feminina na Câmara dos Deputados na 54a Legislatura (2011-2014). Considero as parlamentares que a integram como sujeitos posicionados do mesmo lado da divisão sexual do trabalho e que se agrupam para fazer uma oposição sistemática à sua inferioridade hierárquica socialmente construída. São também, contudo, um coletivo heterogêneo. Dessa maneira, debruço-me sobre sua atuação para compreender suas convergências, divergências e limitações / Abstract: In this thesis, I investigate the activities of the "Bancada Feminina" of the House of Representatives in the 54th Legislature (from 2011 to 2014). I believe parliamentarian women are positioned on the same side of the sexual division of labor and that they formed this group to make a systematic opposition to its socially constructed hierarchical inferiority. They are, however, a heterogeneous collective. Therefore, I research their actions in order to understand their similarities and differences, as well as their limitations / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutora em Ciências Sociais

This dissertation is motivated by a straightforward question about a drastic change to American politics: why has the process of staffing the circuit courts of appeals, once so agreeable and bipartisan, seemed to have descended into almost complete partisan bitterness? Across the entire time series, these are, after all, the same courts endowed with the same power of judicial review. And when the process of staffing them was harmonious, the courts were nevertheless deciding the fate of major, controversial policies of national importance---such as the New Deal in the 1930s and civil rights in the 1950s---just as they do today. Yes, many other aspects of American politics have changed through the decades. But what could possibly explain such a complete reversal of course? I argue that this change, toward divisiveness and partisan warfare, is actually about the judiciary itself and the substantive manner by which the nominees are thought of---namely, the entry of judicial ideology into the debate through the innovation of circuit judges being evaluated on ideological terms. While taken for granted as central today, any ideological assessment of circuit court nominees, and in particular viewing them as having a comprehensive judicial philosophy as opposed to just a position on singular pressing issue of the day, was almost nonexistent for generations. Its entry into the process was piecemeal and somewhat complicated, but it eventually came to dominate and irrevocably polarize the business of staffing the courts. I argue that this was the key factor that leaves us where we are today. Broadly speaking, I consider the contributions and particular strengths of my dissertation, relative to previous scholarship, to be threefold. First is my argument and accompanying analyses which put the crucial (and severely understudied) role of judicial ideology front and center. Second, I analyze the entire lifespan of the circuit courts, whereas the previous scholarship looks only at (often relatively brief) subsets of their history. As far as I know, this is the first study to systematically look at all circuit court nominations from the establishment of these courts in 1891 through the modern era. Third, I collect and analyze a great deal of new data. In particular I focus on systematically utilizing extensive archival resources and build two original data sets related to the Senate's public and private evaluation of judicial nominees; and while there is certainly a qualitative aspect to much of this research, I also synthesize and make sense of it with quantitative analysis. In chapter 1, I explain the puzzle motivating this research, elaborate my argument, and lay out the theoretical, methodological, and data collection contributions of this dissertation. I also review the literature and describe the three existing schools of thought. In chapter 2, I give an overview of the history of the circuit courts from their founding to the present. In this data-heavy chapter, I examine multiple metrics individually, and using several of these I build a robust composite score of divisiveness for each nominee ever made to the circuit courts, from 1891 through 2020. As far as I know this has never been done before. I find overwhelming evidence that the process has fundamentally changed and become more divisive. In chapter 3, I dig more deeply into the timing of this change, and begin to explore how and why it happened---and begin my attempt at demonstrating how the evaluation of judicial ideology is central to this change. To do this I examine a massive data source that has never been utilized: the Senate Judiciary Committee hearings for all nominees. With both qualitative and quantitative analysis, I show that the evaluation of nominees has varied widely over time. Prior to 1979, nominees were evaluated almost exclusively based on their qualifications, with ideology examined only under special circumstances, which I explore in depth. In this time period, ideological scrutiny predicted a contentious confirmation process, providing evidence for my argument that ideological evaluation drove divisiveness. Also in this chapter, I analyze the post-1979 transition to the routine ideological evaluation that permanently altered the confirmation process. I find that Republicans and comprehensive judicial philosophies both played a key role. In chapter 4, I examine the senators' private evaluation of nominees, in part to serve as a check on the validity of my earlier data analysis and also to see if there is any difference between the senators' public and private goals in relation to the judiciary. To do this, I build an original data set of over 1000 internal letters and memoranda from senators, by searching the archival records of nearly every president since Benjamin Harrison as well as over 150 senators. Studying this material qualitatively and quantitatively, the findings here largely align with the analysis of the public committee hearings: for much of history senators were concerned mainly about qualifications, with ideological concern rare and under special circumstances, but eventually ideology came to be the predominant concern which ended the consensual and placid process. This immense historical record also brings to light additional senatorial goals, such as ensuring residents of their own state as well as personal friends obtain judicial appointments. In chapter 5, I focus in on the post-1979 era and I find that the more ideologically distant a nominee is from the Senate, the more divisive the confirmation process is. This provides evidence that the process is defined by ideology related to the nominees, not garden variety polarization of the system. In chapter 6, I conclude, trying to synthesize all of my findings as well as offer some thoughts on areas of future research.

The aim was to propose a study of the Moravian Wine Center. It is a hotel with a congress, wellness and wine lounge. This newly designed hotel is located in an area called Hrůdek in the cadastral area of Velké Pavlovice. The marginal design also solves the connection with the path on the south side of the hotel, which also serves as a cycle path. Here is a cyclo landing with the possibility of a small snack and of visiting the wine exhibition, which is then connected with the wine lounge in the hotel.

The management of Brno has been considering building a new boulevard for several years. Many studies have been prepared on the appearance of the new Brno boulevard, which will be run parallel to Koliště Street. Brno boulevard should alleviate traffic jams on the surrounding roads. The diploma thesis deals with the architectural study of the hotel and the congress hall that would become part of the emerging smart district Spitalka. The urban concept (part of the pre-diploma thesis) is the basis for the architectural study of the hotel. The area responds to the elements that characterize smart cities abroad. The design includes a large variability of public spaces and the buildings themselves. The newly built hotel is adjacent to the newly built Brno boulevard. Across the street, the hotel is connected to a public space around the cooling tower, where the surrounding buildings are used for business, commercial and entertainment functions. The brick building of the Brno heating plants was a colorful inspiration for the architectu-ral form of the design. The building itself is divided into two separate operations, part of the hotel and the congress part, which are interconnected. On the ground floor you can find the en-trance hall, which leads to the congress hall and restaurant. The corner of the building is horizontally divided into floors of different widths. The facade of the hotel on the north and south sides is divided by windows. Thanks to the shift of the top floor, a place was created for terraces that allow a view of the historic city center. The south-western side offers a view of the Svitavsky nahon, the cooling tower and Spilberk Castle. The terraces can be used by wellness visitors, hotel guests during breakfast and to visit the green roof.

Rezension des Werkes F. Mendel''son-Bartol''di i tradicii muzykal''nogo professionalizma, hrsg. von Grigorii I. Ganzburg, erschienen 1995 in Charkov