The purpose of this study is to analyze the possibility of political influence upon the Department of Justice merger decisions within the brewing industry. Political preference was measured by the congressional ratings of a liberal political action committee, The Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), thus giving a liberalness score. Regressions including the merger guideline variables and the political preference measurement were estimated with a logit model. After running numerous regressions, the addition of the political preference variable resulted in insignificance for otherwise significant 1968 and 1982 guidelines variables. These results may indicate an inability of the model to differentiate between political pressure on antitrust enforcement during the establishment of the 1968 and 1982 guidelines, or beyond the establishment of the guidelines. However, the Chair of the Senate Antitrust Subcommittee, the oversight committee for the Department of Justice, is found to be the most significant with liberalness having a positive impact upon the probability of DOJ merger litigation. / Graduation date: 1995

It has been a lot of talking about who’s president’s fault has been for the crisis that Started in the United States and how it spread around the world. Is it really a specific group of people’s fault? Our leaders’ responsibility to prevent all this? Or is it all of our fault for living in the illusions leaders created for us in order to keep being elected? I am not here to point fingers but, rather, analyzing what has happened by researching legislations that passed and did not pass, and who lobbied and why they lobbied on specific legislations that could have made a difference in the economic situation but were never given the chance. The research are mainly on the years right before the 2007- 2008 recession and specifically from 2004 to 2006. I conclude with analyzing the types of leadership styles that I feel have influenced the current situation and what is the follower’s responsibility in letting it happen, why, and how they could change the situation.

The purpose of the paper is to determine why today's youth are so physically inactive by examining the role and efforts of physical education, and the state and federal governments responsibility in supporting these programs, in fighting today's obesity epidemic by creating generations of healthy and physically active children. Research led to the determination that states have failed to maintain and improve physical education resulting in a physically inactive youth. Therefore, the nation should look to federal legislation to support state-led physical education, which this paper found to be constitutional if the enactments followed the provisions established in South Dakota v. Dole. Examples of recent physical education bills, most specifically the FIT Kids Act, are briefly analyzed for effectiveness and likeliness of enactment. Lastly, the determination is made that federal legislation has failed because of the view that physical education is not a "core" subject, preventing programs from receiving Title I and Title II funding. The findings are useful in light of the numerous attempts to get children physically active.

Ce mémoire porte sur la reconnaissance par le droit, et particulièrement par le droit des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes, des faits tels que construits par deux mouvements de libération nationale (MLN), l'African National Congress (ANC) et l'Organisation de Libération de la Palestine (OLP). Ainsi, en suivant la dynamique imposée par l'action des MLN eux-mêmes qui proposent une lecture de situations politiques qui ultimement vient rencontrer le droit, nous avons choisi de construire notre sujet en partant des faits pour aller vers le droit. Il s'agit donc dans un premier temps de présenter les deux situations formant la base de notre étude, soit celle de l'Afrique du Sud et celle de la Palestine (partie 1), en décrivant les violations y perpétrées, les lois mises en place pour faire perdurer de telles situations, les pratiques ainsi que les réactions internationales qui y ont fait suite. Nous décrirons ensuite dans un second temps le concept de peuple et celui d'autodétermination tels que conçus et mis en oeuvre par les Sud-Africains et par les Palestiniens (partie II). Enfin, nous en viendrons au concept de la reconnaissance (partie Ill), d'abord tel qu'abordé et construit par les deux peuples étudiés, puis cheminant à travers les théories de la reconnaissance et les obstacles à celles-ci, nous terminerons en élaborant finalement une liste de critères auxquels nos mouvements ont choisi de se conformer et qui les ont mené à exercer le droit de leurs peuples de choisir leur propre régime politique en tant que dignes représentants de leurs aspirations. Cette étude nous amènera donc au constat suivant: les faits présentés démontrent que lorsqu'un MLN représente son peuple, il accède à la reconnaissance qui lui permet d'exercer le droit à l'autodétermination de ce dernier. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Peuple, Mouvements de libération nationale, Autodétermination, Droit des peuples, Régime politique, Reconnaissance, African National Congress – ANC, Organisation de Libération de la Palestine – OLP, Terrorisme.

Le 26 mai 1938, le Congrès américain mettait sur pied la Special House Committee on Un-American Activities (SCUAA), mieux connu sous le sobriquet du comité Dies. Tout au long de son mandat, de 1938 à 1944, ce comité développait des méthodes d'enquêtes inquisitoires. Il a été par ailleurs le prédécesseur du HUAC du temps de l'après-guerre. Le comité Dies demeure à ce jour un sujet de controverse. Puis, l'historiographie, qui est peu volumineuse et vieillissante, porte un intérêt particulier sur l'acharnement du Comité à s'attaquer au New Deal et au communisme. Pourtant, il y a eu certes des enquêtes menées par la commission Dies sur les mouvements d'extrême droite. Or, bien que les enquêtes sur les mouvements de droite radicaux auraient été moins bien préparées et beaucoup plus aléatoires que celles effectuées contre la subversion de gauche, il est utile et pertinent d'étudier plus en profondeur le rapport entre le comité Dies et les mouvements d'extrême droite. Entre autres, parce qu'il a été l'une des premières commissions américaines à dresser un portrait de l'extrême droite aux États-Unis. Il a été notamment l'une des seules instances gouvernementales de l'époque à dévoiler publiquement des informations sur l'extrême droite «étrangère» et nativiste. Ce mémoire propose donc un examen des informations mise à jour par le comité Dies sur l'extrême droite. Celles-ci ont amené une certaine conscience publique de la nature des groupes de droite radicaux et de tendances fascistes aux États-Unis. Cette recherche apporte une large contribution à l'historiographie sur le comité Dies en s'attardant à une problématique: quels sont les éléments qui ont été exposés par le comité Dies sur l'extrême droite «étrangère» et nativiste? Quels sont les facteurs qui ont poussé le SCUAA à enquêter sur la droite radicale américaine, et quels en ont été les conséquences et les résultats? Cette étude s'attarde aux distinctions du regard du comité Dies envers les mouvements nativistes (Christian Front, Ku Klux Klan, etc.) et étrangers (German-American Bund, fascisme italien, extrême droite japonaise, etc.). En outre, nous examinons de quelles façons ce regard et les idéologies de la commission Dies ont évolué à travers son contexte national et international. Nous croyons par exemple que les tensions des années 1930, le contexte de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et la course politique de Martin Dies, directeur du SCUAA, ont eu des répercussions notoires. Notre hypothèse démontre que le comité Dies a eu, à certains égards, un parti pris pour l'extrême droite américaine au détriment de la menace subversive de gauche. Au même titre que le communisme, c'est l'influence étrangère sur la droite radicale qui semblait perturber le comité Dies. Toutefois, il faut ajouter à cette hypothèse que des éléments politiques, économiques et sociaux ont pu nuancer à la fois les enquêtes effectuées et le regard de la commission Dies sur l'extrême droite. Enfin, cette recherche permet de déceler le manque de souci et d'intérêt de certaines instances politiques et de la population américaine pour le fascisme. Il semble à cet effet que des pressions de toutes sortes ont été nécessaires pour que le comité Dies se tourne véritablement contre les mouvements de droite radicaux. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Dies Committee, Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Politique américaine, Fascisme, Nazisme, Extrême droite, Nativisme, États-Unis.

In this thesis, I study the effects of the National School Nutrition Programme (NSNP) on the rural areas of Western Cape, South Africa. More precisely I try to find out how the NSNP has affected the families in this rural area and what attitudes that can be found among the two generations of people living and working on wine farms. The reason for this investigation is that NSNP was set up to increase school attendance among children living in an exposed socioeconomic environment, and I wanted to see how much the NSNP affect people’s daily life, with focus on the ones living on/near wine farms in the more rural areas in Western Cape since these areas holds socioeconomic groups that are exposed in the society.  To answer the research questions, I conducted several interviews with both wine farm workers and pupils living on/near a wine farm. But oral history is more than a method! I wanted to look upon the history from a grassroots perspective with a special focus on the working class, ethnic minorities and women´s part in the history.  My theory is based upon the terms Welfare and Social inequality. These two perspectives describe access to labor market, poverty, education and income support. These aspects highlight different forms of social exclusion which wine farm workers and pupils living on/near wine farm lives in.  With these methods I found out that the NSNP plays a crucial part in the lives of those who lives in the rural areas of Western Cape. Many pupils go to school just because their parents want it due to lack of food at home. The government’s purpose of the NSNP, to increase the school attendance can be seen in the answers giving to me during interviews with wine farm workers.

Abstract This thesis focuses on the oversight mechanism used by congress to supervise the intelligence department, mainly through examining the historical development of the oversight mechanism that the U.S. Congress uses over the Central Intelligence Agency, CIA, as well as evaluating the mechanism¡¦s successes and failures, in order to find a suitable direction for establishing an oversight mechanism for our country¡¦s Legislative Yuan over the National Security Agency, NSA. First of all, the inceptive backgrounds and historical developments of the CIA and the NSA are introduced. After establishing an understanding of the special backgrounds and developments of the two agencies, the writer, using the Institutional Process Theory, analyzes and discusses how the U.S. Congress¡¦ oversight mechanism over the CIA has progressed, thereby determining the key to the successes and failures of the U.S. Congress¡¦ intelligence oversight mechanism. Having analyzed the intelligence oversight mechanism of the U.S. Congress, the writer brings up suggestions as to how our country¡¦s Legislative Yuan can develop an oversight mechanism over the NSA in the future. Lastly, from these discussions, the writer addresses the contributions, propositions, and limitations of this research and hopes that these research and discussions can assist the Legislative Yuan in institutionalizing a comprehensive intelligence oversight mechanism over the NSA.

員工的核心能力為組織績效與競爭力的基礎，早已成為國內外當代學術社群與管理實務者的共識。這是因為無論是公私部門組織，目前均處於極大的績效壓力。而國會聯絡人身為行政部門與立法部門之間的橋樑，法律案及預算案的推手，其核心能力與法案通過的機率、組織的效能及競爭力密切相關。職是之故，本研究擬以核心能力理論為基礎，再藉由相關國內外文獻的整理，對現任國會聯絡人的行為事件訪談以及問卷調查的結果，歸納出優秀國會聯絡人所應具備的核心能力具體項目，以作為機關首長據以選任取才的參考依據。 本研究係以行政院暨所屬部國會聯絡人服務年資超過五年之優秀資深人員為訪談對象，再以問卷、行為事件訪談的交叉方式，探索出國會聯絡人有效推動工作應具備的核心能力，本研究從中發現到：國會聯絡人應具備的核心能力要有「環境變化的洞察力」、「溝通協調」、「團隊合作的精神」、「顧客服務導向」、「政策行銷與說服能力」、「嫻熟議事運作相關法令」、「積極主動」、「情緒管理」等合計8項核心能力，並對行政機關及首長、國會聯絡人、立法委員提出建議。 / Staff’s core competence as the foundation for organizational achievements and competence has already become mutual recognition of the contemporary domestic and foreign academic social groups and the managerial practitioners. Regardless whether it is public or private departmental organization, nowadays they are burdened with enormous pressure of achievements. As the bridge between the administrative department and the legislation department, the advocator of the legal bills and the budget proposal, the core competence of the congressional liaison staff are closely correlated with the probability of the passage of the bills, organizational efficiency, and competitive power. For this reason, this study draws upon the theory of the core competence as the foundation, with review of domestic and foreign literatures, and interview of the behavior events of the incumbent congressional liaison staff as well as by questionnaire surveys. The information thus collected induces the concrete items of core competence which congressional liaison staff should have and be regarded as reference by heads of institutions for staff recruitment. The subjects of this study are senior congressional liaison staff members with five-year tenure at the Executive Yuan and outstanding evaluation. By the questionnaire and the behavior event interview, they were explored for the core competences of congressional liaison staff to impetus their work effectively. This study has discovered that the congressional liaison staff should have core competence including the following eight items, they are “the insight to environmental change”, “the ability of communication and coordination”, “the spirit of the team cooperation”, “the orientation of customer service”, “the ability of policy marketing and persuasion”, “thorough understanding of legislative procedures and the related laws”, “positive initiation”, and “mood management”; and also to put forward their suggestions and recommendations to heads of executive and administrative divisions, other congressional liaison staff members, and legislators.

The thesis analyzes how the administrations of Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush used force in response to incidents of international terrorism. Key players in each administration and whether they advocated a law enforcement approach or a war paradigm approach to counterterrorism are examined. In addition, Koh's pattern of executive initiative, congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance forms a theoretical lens through which to compare and contrast administrations. An assessment of the role of Congress in making the administrations' counterterrorism policies confirms the vitality of this pattern, and suggests future administrations will adhere to it. During the George W. Bush administration, Koh's pattern of executive initiative (led by personalities like Vice President Cheney), congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance combined with the 9/11 tragedy and pervasive fears of another attack to create a 'perfect storm' known as the 'war on terror'. The research also analyzes to what extent the four administrations were constrained by international legal norms on the use of force, i.e. articles 2(4) and 51 of the UN Charter. On the domestic side, the thesis analyzes the extent to which American legal norms on the use of force constrained the administrations. Although the lack of compelling constraints on the use of force is present in all four administrations, the thesis indicates that the George W. Bush administration embodied an extreme example of this trend.

No description available.