Po krátkém historickém přehledu se věnuji především otázce, kdo je z hlediska mezinárodního práva uprchlíkem, jak se jím stává a jak se posuzují jednotlivá kritéria k udílení statusu uprchlíka, tedy otázce, která je vůbec předpokladem pro to, aby určitá osoba mohla požívat mezinárodní ochrany. Vysvětluji jednotlivé pojmy definice uprchlíka zachycené v Úmluvě z roku 1951 v souvislosti se závěry Výkonného výboru UNHCR, Příručkou postupů a kritérií UNHCR pro určování právního postavení uprchlíků a následná Doporučení v oblasti mezinárodní ochrany vydaná UNHCR. Tyto dokumenty nabízejí vodítko pro výklad a aplikaci Úmluvy z roku 1951 a měly i značný vliv na koncipování textu Kvalifikační směrnice. Současně jsem se snažila poukázat na určité mezery této specifické úpravy. Dále především srovnávám definice uprchlíka v Úmluvě o právním postavení uprchlíků z roku 1951 a definice uprchlíka v tzv. Kvalifikační směrnici a postoji UNHCR k této směrnici. A v poslední kapitole popisuji funkci UNHCR v mezinárodní ochraně uprchlíků. Cílem této práce je tedy všeobecné uvedení do uprchlické problematiky a to jak v univerzální rovině tak v rovině evropské a funkci UNHCR v mezinárodněprávní ochraně uprchlíků. Zvýšit tak obecné povědomí o mezinárodním chápání uprchlického problému a toto chápání dále prohlubovat ve prospěch...

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-01T19:31:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Daniel Castanheira do Amaral Gonçalves.pdf: 2102409 bytes, checksum: 9f633fb3db4954105bbd0f091a35df9c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-01T19:31:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Daniel Castanheira do Amaral Gonçalves.pdf: 2102409 bytes, checksum: 9f633fb3db4954105bbd0f091a35df9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-17 / Capes / This study aims to analyze the impacts of the UN’s integration policies over the humanitarian space, based on the High Commissioner of the United Nations for Refugees (UNHCR). It presents the development of such policies, exposing it as a direct result of a process of reform that sought to bring more coherence to the UN system’s action in favor of peace-building, intending to avoid the repetition of failures such as Rwanda and Srebrenica, which occurred during the 1990s peace operations. It analyzes, furthermore, the relation between the UNHCR’s mandate and the humanitarian space, exposing that the concept of the later, as used by the agency and by other humanitarian actors, favors a space destined to humanitarian action promoted by humanitarian actors in a neutral, impartial and absent form and with political influence. Nevertheless, questioning the possibility of completely divorcing the humanitarian action from politics, it is proposed that the humanitarian space be understood as an arena in which several actors negotiate its interests, world perspectives and operational objectives. This concept would allow to conciliate the heterogeneous nature of the humanitarian system and better understand not only the operational reality of humanitarian action, but also the threats to the humanitarian space represented by the integration policy. To explain and analyze these threats, it is used the five areas of humanitarian space - as identified by the United Nations Integration Steering Group - to assess how integration affects the humanitarian space: humanitarian security; humanitarian access; engagement with non-state armed actors; perceptions of humanitarian actors; and humanitarian advocacy. At the end, an analyses is made of the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), a mission that since its genesis was structured under the precepts of integration, with the purpose of assess the impacts of integration on the humanitarian space in the Liberian using the five areas aforementioned. It attempts, therefore, to analyze if the UN integrated missions can expand the humanitarian space for UNHCR. It is, therefore, a documentary analysis - from UNHCR authored files - and a field study, in which data was collected through semi-structured interviews conducted with six UNHCR officers who served in Liberia and were interviewed at March 2015. It was used, moreover, scientific articles, books and academic dissertations obtained through electronic and bibliographic sources. It was concluded that in Liberia the integrated mission had a positive impact on the humanitarian space and that it facilitated the humanitarian action. It is proposed, by the end, that the use of the concept of the humanitarian space as an arena and the strategic engagement promoted by the humanitarian actors with political and military actors would allow humanitarian agencies to offer a stronger protection for those who benefit from their actions. Additionally, it would also better protect humanitarian interests in face of perceived threats that integration may represent to the humanitarian space / Sistema ONU em benefício da consolidação da paz, com o intuito de evitar-se a repetição de falhas como as de Ruanda e Srebrenica, ocorridas nas operações de paz dos 1990. Analisa-se, ademais, a relação do mandato do ACNUR com o espaço humanitário, expondo que o conceito deste espaço utilizado pela agência, bem como por outros atores humanitários, privilegia um espaço destinado à ação humanitária prestada por atores humanitários de forma neutra, imparcial e sem influências políticas. No entanto, questionando-se a possibilidade de se divorciar integralmente a ação humanitária da política, propõe-se que o espaço humanitário seja entendido como uma arena, na qual diversos atores negociam interesses, perspectivas de mundo e objetivos operacionais. Este conceito permitiria conciliar a realidade heterogênea do sistema humanitário e compreender melhor não apenas a realidade operacional da ação humanitária, mas também as ameaças ao espaço humanitário representadas pela política de integração. Para a explicação e análise destas ameaças, utilizam-se as cinco áreas do espaço humanitário - conforme identificadas pelo Grupo das Nações Unidas de Direção da Integração - para avaliar como a integração ameaçaria o espaço humanitário: a segurança dos atores humanitários; o acesso humanitário; a interação com atores armados não-estatais; as percepções dos atores humanitários por atores locais; e a advocacia humanitária. Faz-se, ao fim, um estudo da Missão das Nações Unidas na Libéria (UNMIL), operação de paz estruturada desde sua gênese sob os preceitos da integração, com o propósito de analisar o impacto da integração no espaço humanitário dentro do contexto liberiano, utilizando as cinco áreas anteriormente identificadas. Intenta-se, deste modo, analisar se as missões integradas da ONU permitem expandir o espaço humanitário para o ACNUR. Trata-se, portanto, de um estudo de análise documental - em arquivos de autoria do ACNUR - e de um estudo de campo, no qual se colheram dados por meio de entrevistas semi-dirigidas feitas com funcionários do ACNUR que atuaram na Libéria e que foram entrevistados em março de 2015. Utilizaram-se, ainda, artigos científicos, livros e dissertações acadêmicas obtidas por meio de fontes eletrônicas e bibliográficas. Conclui-se que, na Libéria, a missão integrada teve um impacto positivo no espaço humanitário e facilitou a ação humanitária. Propõem-se, ao final, que o uso do conceito de espaço humanitário como arena e o engajamento estratégico por parte dos atores humanitários com atores políticos e militares permitiriam às agências humanitárias oferecer maior proteção aos beneficiários de suas ações, bem como melhor defender os interesses humanitários em face das ameaças percebidas que a integração representaria ao espaço humanitário.

This dissertation examines the specific forms of embodied suffering war and its refugee aftermath brings to female Sudanese refugees currently living in post-revolution Cairo, Egypt in order to illustrate the suffering and healing enacted within everyday life. These women, displaced from the Second Sudanese Civil War, are what I label Sudan's `Lost Girls.' The theoretical framework I employ in order to discuss their lives is a critical medical anthropology perspective based on the mindful body. I engage anthropological literature on the body in order to better understand the embodied suffering, sexual violence, and refugee aftermath of war. My research seeks to do this through distinctly gendered analyses and equally importantly, visual analyses. The research draws on historical news data collected through content analysis, contemporary qualitative data collected during fieldwork in the form of observation and interviews, with a particular emphasis on photovoice methodology. The work proposes that the humanizing aspect of emotions revealed by Lost Girls' photography of their everyday lives in urban Cairo allows for critical analysis of the many and varied ways in which women's `ordinary' experiences of war have been hidden, the implications of this for international responses to their suffering, and areas for exploring new, non-emergency refugee policies based on more ethnographically informed, gendered contextualizations of `extraordinary' violence.

Why do states tolerate large numbers of refugees? This dissertation offers an answer to this puzzle by examining changes in policy responses by the international community toward Iraqis displaced after the U.S. invasion of 2003. From 2003-2006, Jordan, Syria, and Egypt remained quiet about the growing humanitarian needs of displaced Iraqis. From 2007-2010, these countries abruptly shifted policy to claim that they were hosting millions of Iraqis, and to allow Iraqis greater access to public goods and humanitarian assistance. I argue that this policy shift occurred because of new opportunities to extract strategic rents from the international community in the form of foreign aid and development assistance tied to the presence of refugees. I also explain how and why the UN Refugee Agency facilitated host country behavior during these two time periods, even in contradiction with its mandate under international law. I ground my argument in more than 100 interviews with UN Agency officials, NGO workers, government officials, and Iraqi refugees conducted in Jordan, Syria, and Egypt and at the UN Refugee Agency Headquarters in Geneva between 2007 and 2010. I also utilize research in the archives of relevant newspapers, national departments of statistics, and the UN Refugee Agency Headquarters. Previous political science literature largely conceives of refugees as a burden on state infrastructure, or as a potential security risk. This dissertation challenges this literature by suggesting that, under some conditions, states may derive political and economic benefits from the presence of refugees, explaining why they tolerate displaced populations. This dissertation also contributes to the understanding of how authoritarian regimes adapt to new opportunities for strategic rents. This dissertation also explores how an international organization can operate as both a principal and an agent, constrained by the preferences of its member or donor countries, yet autonomously advancing its own interests while shaping the political environment in which it operates. I show how the malleability of international refugee law has helped actors to manipulate humanitarian assistance for their own gain. Finally, this dissertation explores how the destabilization of Iraq affected international relations within a region that has been forever changed. / Government

This study explores economic conditions among Iraqi refugee women living in urban areas of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan through open-ended interviews. The research aims to address coping mechanisms Iraqi refugee women use to adapt to their financial situation. The goal is to review the proactive efforts women make to turn family units from traditional consumers (buying goods) to producers (making goods) in order to find financial stability. The study incorporates three overarching themes: First, it establishes Iraqi refugee women’s financial status by surveying economic security and employment opportunities. Second, the study investigates how living in urban areas of Jordan affects Iraqi women’s economic status. Thirdly, the study explores how Iraqi refugee women approach their financial situation. How have Iraqi women taken steps to exercise control over their financial lives and improve their economic situation as refugees? The objective of this project is to promote women’s empowerment by creating an open dialogue about Iraqi women’s struggles and to highlight the steps that women take to improve their situation. The study suggests steps that can be taken to aid Iraqi refugees. / text

La thèse s’intéresse à la construction et l’évolution de sous-classes de réfugiés au sein du système international de protection mis en place par le Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les Réfugiés depuis les années 1950. Par un premier travail d’analyse des archives de l’organisation internationale, elle montre comment le système de protection a toujours fonctionné en opérant un tri parmi les réfugiés statutaires. L’analyse porte plus particulièrement sur la manière dont les « réfugiés africains » ont, dès leur arrivée dans le système international durant les années 1970, été pensés et traités comme des réfugiés particuliers. Par un second travail qualitatif mené au Maroc entre 2014 et 2015, la thèse s’intéresse au prolongement et à l’actualisation de ces enjeux en analysant le cas des « réfugiés subsahariens ». Réfugiés statutaires, ils constituent pourtant l’incarnation du « faux réfugié » sur lequel pèse un soupçon permanent. La thèse s’intéresse alors à l’expérience des individus pris dans cette sous-classe et à leurs tactiques pour tenter d’être reconnus et traités « comme des réfugiés à part entière ». / This PhD research focuses on the construction et evolution of refugees’ subclasses within the international protection system implemented since the 1950s by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. This work firstly explains, based on this international organisation’s archives, how the protection system has always operated by selecting within recognised refugees. The analysis examines how « African refugees », since their arrival in the international system in the 1970s, have been thoughts of and treated as peculiar refugees. Secondly, a fieldwork in Morocco between 2014 and 2015 addresses the realisation of these issues thanks to a case study analysis of the « sub-Saharan refugees ». Despite being recognised refugees, they embody the « bogus refugee » under constant suspicion. This research focuses on the experience of individuals caught up in this subclass and on their tactics in order to be recognised and treated as « full-fledged refugees ».

This study explores how quota refugees who were resettled from Botswana to Sweden in 2014 experience migration and how these experiences are shaped by opportunities and limitations of refugee mobility rights between resettlement and naturalization. The study is grounded in a qualitative and constructivist methodological framework, and answers the question; how are quota refugees’ migration experiences in Sweden shaped by the opportunities and limitations of refugee mobility rights between resettlement and naturalization? Migration systems theory is used to analyze data gathered through semi-structured interviews. It is argued in this study that refugee migration is more socially motivated than it is economic and data shows that resettlement gives quota refugees mobility rights which in turn provide more opportunities than limitations that positively shape their migration experiences. Data also show that social reasons such as love, marriage and ethnic gatherings are the most dominant reasons why quota refugees travel.

This thesis investigates the implications of State control of citizenship upon the individual's ability to choose membership in a given State polity. It briefly examines how States gained absolute control over the granting, denying and revoking of citizenship and demonstrates how the acquisition of citizenship and statelessness are both State-determined statuses. The repercussions of statelessness at the individual, regional and global levels are presented to demonstrate the severity of being unable to choose a citizenship. Efforts made by States and the international community to prevent and reduce statelessness are examined in order to illustrate the lack of prioritization given to the subject of statelessness, and possible courses of action for States and the United Nations to undertake in order to better address this topic are introduced. The thesis concludes that citizenship is a human right and that States need to consider individual choice concerning citizenship matters. If such choice is not taken into account with regard to State membership, States will be performing a disservice to citizens, the stateless, and the system of States.

Both practitioners and academics have recently begun referring to humanitarian agencies operating within an active 'aid marketplace' in which limited funding pits actors against each other in pursuance of their own projects and wider aims. This thesis seeks to explore how the pressures of a competitive environment impact on the motivations and actions of aid actors at an individual and organizational level. Based on the common saying that aid workers are 'mercenaries, missionaries and misfits', I construct a typology of pressures (interest-based, altruistic, and bureaucratic), which, it is argued, can be used to explain and understand much of this competitive and collaborative behaviour. A particular focus of the thesis is the impact of these various influences on the process and politics of information transfer and discourse creation regarding the process of needs assessment, monitoring and evaluation. I explore all of these issues through the medium of a case study of UNHCR's interventions in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2015, and seek to provide a detailed history of the agency's activities, politics and challenges during this period. In particular I am interested in the motivations driving the agency's actions; the strategies it has employed to achieve its aims; the calculated narratives that it has crafted to justify its interventions and attract greater support; and the very different ways in which it has approached the needs of different categories of displaced people.

<p>The thesis examines the international refugee protection system in order to discover whether or not the system constitutes an international regime, as defined by international relations literature. To do so, it formulates a theoretical framework combining neoliberal and constructivist approaches to regime theory. It closely examines the legal documents that provide the normative and procedural framework of the protection system (such as the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, various regional agreements, as well as certain human rights documents) and discusses the legal, political, and moral obligation that these documents instill upon the member states of the protection system. It evaluates the principles, norms, rules, and decision- making procedures provided by the system, and compares them to the necessary criteria of an international regime in neoliberal theory. The purpose of trying to discover whether the refugee system constitutes an international regime is to show that if it is a regime, states are no longer afforded the full freedom of action and decision-making under the doctrine of sovereignty and that they have a certain level of obligation to abide by regime rules and help in the upkeep of the regime. After showing that the system constitutes a ‘strong promotional’ international regime, it discusses the importance of the regime within the international state system. It evaluates how it brings about cooperation and increasedstability within the regime, and lowers the costs of bargaining in order to bring about mutual gains for regime members. The thesis then examines the pre- and post-entry restrictive measures used by countries and attempts to prove whether or not the use of the measures constitutes a change in, or of, the regime, or a potential weakening of the regime. The thesis concludes that while the refugee regime itself is not changing, there is increasing incoherence between the proscribed behaviour of the regime and state action, which translates into a weakening of the regime. The regime analysis discusses the role the refugee protection regime plays within the international system as a whole and how this role is evolving through the use of restrictive measures.</p>