The issue of citizenship deprivation has become an increasingly relevant topic in the struggle against terrorism. It is related to different conceptions of citizenship as well as the question of what is at stake in the process of depriving individuals of it. In the United Kingdom three acts have been passed in the 21st century so far that has reduced the requirements needed for the to deprive individuals of their citizenship and also to render individuals stateless. This thesis systematises the arguments made in the academic and political debates related to these acts and evaluates their legitimacy in relation to different normative standpoints. The main conclusion regards a logical inconsistency in the differentiation of two types of British citizenship, one where individuals have naturalised, the other where they are native born Britons, the latter may not under British law be rendered stateless while the former can be, although both have the status of citizen, which becomes problematic in terms of equality before the law and equal rights.

Au cours de la période des longues années soixante, le Royaume-Uni fut traversé par un cycle de contestation lors duquel différents groupes de militants firent valoir un large éventail de revendications. Un certain nombre de similarités peut être observé dans leurs idéologies, leurs tactiques et leurs symboles, comme par exemple leur volonté de lutter pour leur « libération » de « l’oppression » impérialiste, paternaliste, raciste, sexiste, homophobe ou même de délivrer les animaux de la domination humaine. Ces similitudes suscitent logiquement de nombreuses questions, notamment les suivantes : comment expliquer ces parallèles ? Quels sont les liens qui ont rendu possible la diffusion de ces éléments ? Dans quelle mesure la diffusion a-t-elle contribué à l’évolution de la contestation dans les longues années soixante au Royaume-Uni ? Afin d’y répondre, cette thèse s’efforcera d’analyser séparément les différents mouvements sociaux de la période, en accordant une importance particulière à leurs interactions et à leurs rôles au sein du cycle. En fournissant un modèle aux groupes de militants qui l’adaptent ensuite à leur propre cause, les processus de diffusion viennent nourrir et amplifier la dynamique protestataire. Il ne s’agit donc pas d’un simple phénomène de mimétisme, mais d’un procédé créatif témoignant d’activités complexes de construction du sens. Le choix de la source d’inspiration est également très significatif, d’autant plus que celle-ci peut se situer dans un autre pays ou une autre époque. Ainsi, il conviendra de démontrer que la diffusion peut opérer de manière diachronique au sein d’un même territoire, comme de manière synchronique lorsque les militants jettent leur dévolu sur un mouvement aux revendications différentes ou ayant lieu à l’étranger. / During the Long Sixties, the United Kingdom witnessed the rise of a protest cycle allowing various groups of activists to press for a wide array of claims. A number of similarities can be observed in their ideologies, tactics and symbols, such as their willingness to fight for their “liberation” from “oppression”, be it imperialist, paternalistic, racist, sexist, homophobic or even to free animals from human domination. These analogies raise a number of questions, notably: how can these parallels be explained? What are the links that enabled the diffusion of these elements? To what extent did diffusion processes contribute to the evolution of protest during the Long Sixties in the United Kingdom? To answer these questions, this thesis will analyse the social movements of the period separately, whilst paying particular attention to their interactions with one another and their role within the protest cycle. By providing other groups of activists with a model that they can adapt to their own cause, diffusion processes can swell and escalate the dynamics of contention. Hence, they differ from pure mimicry; they show how meaning is carefully constructed through creative adaptations. The choice of a particular source of inspiration is also very significant, especially when it can be traced back to another era or country. Therefore, it will be demonstrated that diffusion can occur both diachronically within national boundaries or synchronically between movements making different claims or taking place in a different country.

The primary question at issue in this paper is the following: given the similarities between the two countries with regard to welfare state institutions, why have the United States and the United Kingdom diverged on the issue of health care? Drawing on sociological institutionalism, a branch of the new institutionalist paradigm, this paper provides an answer to this question: during the formative years of the health care stories in the two countries, variations in institutional and cultural conditions produced contrasting policy outcomes. More specifically, this paper discusses how the combination of institutions (political, labor, and medical) and culture led to private insurance in the United States and public insurance in the United Kingdom. Of course, this paper has implications for several areas of scholarship, as well as for current policy debates on a wide range of issues.

Agencification-the creation of autonomous agencies within the public service-has been occurring in many jurisdictions. It has usually had a rationale of improving the way in which government works. Generally, agencies are expected to provide more flexible, performance-oriented, responsive public services. The purpose of this work is to examine a particular example of agencification in the Australian Public Service (APS) and to compare it analytically with similar occurrences elsewhere. Specifically, it will examine the splitting of the former Department of Social Security (DSS) into two separate organisations, a policy department and a service delivery agency operating under a purchaser-provider arrangement, Centrelink. It will do this in the context of theories of agencification and of practical experience of agencification elsewhere. It will analyse why agencification has happened in this case and what the experience has shown, focusing on the role, governance, accountability and prospects for the new arrangements. This, the most prominent and substantial case of agencification in the Australian government, will be compared with the agencification experience reported in other jurisdictions-the United Kingdom and New Zealand. It will address why Centrelink came about, what the outcome has been of the change in institutional arrangements, and what the likely future is of the Centrelink arrangements. It will show that, when examined closely, the mechanisms bringing about agencification have been diverse. However, there are parallels in the experience. This leads to a conclusion that the current Centrelink arrangements are not stable in the long term, and some aspects-such as the purchaser-provider arrangement - should be set aside.

Thesis (LL.M.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2008.

The European Employment Strategy (EES) belongs to the European Union’s „softer“, legally non-binding policy instruments. Many politicians and academics associated its introduction with the expectation for a strengthening of the EU’s social dimension and democratic quality. This article examines whether, so far, the EES can be regarded as effective and legitimate. To illustrate this, the author briefly examines the role of the EES for the development of labour market policy in Germany and the UK.

The first two chapters examine the party's policy towards the wage-stop and the poverty trap. Until 1963 the party ignored the wage-stop but from then until 1975 a section of the party campaigned against the regulation expressing moral revulsion and concern about its administration but only rarely opposition to the principle. A Labour government removed the stop when its operation affected only a tiny minority of families. The party was quickly involved in the development of the poverty trap debate being particularly drawn to its disincentive characteristics, but Labour governments, like their Conservative counterparts, soon came to regard the idea as a mere statistical abstraction. After confirming the party's historical ambivalence about Family Allowances the thesis demonstrated that whenever it advocated allowances it did so because it believed the programme would alleviate family poverty rather than augment work incentives. However Labour governments consistently upheld the principle of substitutability, thus conferring de facto support on that less-eligibility dimension of Family Allowances which Macnicol has established informed the coalition government's decision to legislate for the programme in 1945. Despite the party's opposition to Family Income Supplement it became an important element in the Labour government's anti-poverty strategy after the Child Benefits debate in 1976. F.I.S. was criticised because of its contribution to the poverty trap and its potential for assisting in the pauperisation of the low paid, while Child Benefit was supported because it appeared to be a more equitable technique of delivering support to families with dependent children although some in the party were sensitive to the scheme's potential link with improved work incentives. In general, the Labour Party is seen to have failed to develop any coherent and sustained alternative to the ideas and programmes of its political opponents in this critical area of social policy.

Knowledge Management (KM) helps extend the knowledge of individuals or groups across organisations in ways that directly affect performance. Further, it is a formalised and integrated approach to identify and manage an organisation's knowledge assets. The study is an exploratory investigation of the implementation of IT-based Knowledge Management Systems. It is also a comparative study of the Kuwait and UK public sectors with the specific aim of building a best practice model for KM implementation in conjunction with IT. This includes examination of the relevant literature, a comprehensive analysis of case studies of KM implementation in 91 organisations presented in the literature, in order to arrive at the most critical factors of KM implementation and their degree of criticality, and an exploratory survey of 68 organisations both in the UK and Kuwait relating to their experiences in implementing initiatives such as KM and the role of IT in that process. In view of the intensive and extensive data for interdependence relationships between variables, statistical techniques were used, and in-depth studies of 16 leading organisations, to understand how the KM implementation processes and the critical factors identified were addressed and implemented. This study identifies critical factors of success in KM domain that applicable to Kuwaiti organisations. These factors were categorised under four different headings: (1) Technology, (2) KM processes, (3) Change management, (4) Top management commitment. A generic holistic model for effective KM implementation is proposed.

Die reg tot 'n vrye en regverdige verhoor is een van die mees gevestigde internasionale fundamentele regte.1 Die reg om verhoor te word deur 'n onafhanklike en onpartydige hof of tribunaal vorm deel van die reg tot 'n vrye en regverdige verhoor. Beide Suid-Afrika en Groot Brittanje erken hierdie reg as 'n fundamentele reg. Alhoewel dit duidelik is dat hierdie reg afdwingbaar is in die gewone howe van state wat die relevante konvensies geratifiseer het, bly die vraag steeds tot watter mate die reg tot 'n onafhanklike en onpartydige tribunaal toepassing vind in internasionale kommersiele arbitrasie verrigtinge. Verder is die vraag hoe die toepassing daarvan vergelyk met die toepassing van die reg in die gewone howe. Is dit dus moontlik om te se dat dieselfde toets wat in die gewone howe gebruik word om die onpartydigheid en onafhanklikheid van 'n voorsittende beampte te bepaal, ook gebruik word om die onpartydigheid en onafhanklikheid van 'n arbiter te bepaal? In die nasionale sfeer verwys onafhanklikheid na twee onderskeibare konsepte. Eerstens verwys dit na die onafhanklikheid van die regsprekendegesag met betrekking tot die wetgewende- en uitvoeren-degesag soos vervat in die leerstuk van die skeiding van magte. Tweedens verwys dit na die persoonlike onafhanklikheid van 'n voorsittende beampte. In internasionale kommersiele arbitrasie is slegs die tweede konsep van toepassing. Internasionale kommersiele arbitrasie funksioneer normaalweg onafhanklik van enige regerings-instelling. Slegs die persoonlike onafhanklikheid en onpartydigheid van die arbiter is dus van belang. Wanneer die toetse, om die persoonlike onpartydigheid en onafhanklikheid van regters en arbiters te bepaal, met mekaar vergelyk word, is daar drie verskillende toetse wat van belang is. Sover dit menseregte op 'n intemasionale vlak betref, pas die Europese Hof vir Menseregte die geregverdigde twyfel (legitimate doubt) toets toe. Die arbitrasie instellings wat ingesluit is in hierdie verhandeling2 pas die regverdigbare twyfel Qustifiable doubt) toets toe. Op nasionale vlak pas beide Suid-Afrika en Groot Brittanje die redelike vrees van vooroordeel (reasonable apprehension of bias) toets toe. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat die toetse vir onpartydigheid en onanhanklikheid wat toegepas word in die nasionale howe van Suid-Afrika en Groot Brittanje, die toetse wat op intemasionale vlak toegepas word in die Europese Hof vir Menseregte en die toetse wat toegepas word deur die onafhanklike intemasionale arbitrasie instellings wat in die verhandeling bestudeer is, tot dieselfde resultaat lei. Gevolglik sal arbitrasie verrigtinge wat in Suid-Afrika die toets van onafhanklikheid en onpartydigheid slaag in alle waarskynlikheid ook die toets in Engeland slaag. Net so sal arbitrasie verrigtinge wat plaasvind in terme van die belangrikse arbitrasie tribunale en arbitrasie reels, synde UNCITRAL, die ICC, die LCIA, die AAA en die ICSID, ook na alle waarskynlikheid die toets van onafhanklikheid en onpartydigheid van arbiters in beide Suid-Afrika en Engeland slaag indien die toets wat toegepas word deur hierdie reels en instansies dieselfde is as die toets wat in Suid-Afrika en Engeland toegepas word. / Thesis (LL.M.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2008.

The dissertation takes the modern business technique/concept of brands and branding, applies them to a historic case study, the creation by James VI and I of Great Britain from 1603 to 1625, and by doing so throws new light on both. It compares two distinct approaches to branding, unidirectional and social interactionist, postulating that the latter would prove better at explaining the success of the brand Great Britain/British. The case study reveals that neither approach is supported by the evidence. Content analysis shows that there was a lack of awareness of the brand Great Britain/British and an inconsistency in its use, hence neither approach can be sustained. However, the same analysis does show that an alternative brand, England/English, existed in the same time and that this brand provides some limited support for the social interactionist view of brands and branding. The lack of success of the brand Great Britain/British during his reign does not appear to have prevented James VI and I from establishing himself as the legitimate King of England in addition to Scotland although the contribution of the brand to this was marginal at best.