This interdisciplinary study examines the issue of education in presidential election campaigns from 1968 through 2012. Historians of education have argued that the public's embrace of The National Commission on Excellence in Education report A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform (ANAR), in 1983 forced education onto the national agenda because political elites had to respond to voters' concerns about educational quality. Yet, historians of education have largely overlooked presidential election campaigns in their analysis of how education became a prominent political issue. In contrast, political scientists have focused a great deal on presidential election campaigns in seeking to understand the interaction between political elites and voters but have given little attention to the issue of education. This study integrates these two lines of inquiry to provide a better understanding of how education became a top-tier political issue and to better reveal the interactions between political elites and voters in that process. This study makes use of source materials that have received little scholarly examination. Internal campaign strategy documents reveal how political elites understood public opinion about education and how they sought to make use of that understanding to win elections. These underutilized sources reveal that historians have overemphasized the role of ANAR in the rise of education on the national political agenda. Long before education appeared in public opinion data as a top voter concern, strategists from both major political parties already wanted to push education onto the national political agenda. Yet, candidates were largely constrained from using education during the 1970s because they wanted to avoid engaging the controversial issue of de facto school desegregation. White voters were inconsistent on the issue: they claimed to support desegregation but took actions indicating they actually opposed desegregation. This made it difficult to craft an effective education message. When forced to discuss school desegregation, candidates of both parties employed a "quality education for all students" frame that deracialized the school desegregation debate and made education a safe issue to prime by the end of the decade. Beginning in the 1980s, Republicans used education for two electoral ends. First, they sought to use the recent transformation of the National Education Association (NEA) into a labor union and its endorsement of Democratic candidates to convince voters that the Democratic Party was beholden to radical special interest groups. Republican candidates also increased their priming of education in an attempt to close the gender gap arguing that women voters had a particular concern for the issue of education. Between 1990 and 2012, both parties wanted to use education to appeal to white voters. Republican candidates had long been committed to using education to soften their image. Now they began framing education as a civil rights issue in order to reassure white voters of their racial sensitivity. Meanwhile, Democratic candidates began framing education as an economic issue to reassure middle class white voters anxious about their children's future in the emerging global economy. A primary element in these electoral strategies was the idea that education was a "special" political issue. The "special" status rested on political elites' perceptions of voters' strong personal commitment to education and their nonpartisan attitudes toward specific policy positions. The lack of partisan correlation presented challenges for both parties but also unique opportunities to address campaign concerns related to a candidate's image, targeted voting blocs, and possible attacks on their opponents. The rise of the issue of education on the national agenda was often less about voters' concerns with educational quality and more about campaign strategy.

One of the main purposes of this dissertation was to examine gender- and socioeconomic status (SES)-related mathematics achievement gaps among Turkish middle-school students compared to achievement gaps in European Union (EU) countries. A further purpose of the present study was to investigate qualified mathematics teachers’ distribution in relation to student SES among Turkish middle schools. Finally, relationships between mathematics teacher quality indicators and students’ mathematics achievement within Turkish middle-school classrooms were explored. In this dissertation, Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study 2007 data were used. Sample countries were Turkey, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Hungary, Italy, Lithuania, Malta, Romania, and Slovenia. Achievement gaps by gender and SES were examined using Cohen’s d effect sizes and 95 percent confidence intervals. Relationships between mathematics teacher quality and students’ mathematics achievement were investigated using hierarchical linear modeling. Results showed none or only negligible gender differences but substantial SES-related gaps in Turkish students’ achievement in mathematics, overall, or in various content and cognitive domains. Correlations between students’ SES levels and their achievement were the largest in Turkey compared to the sample EU countries. Among the sample EU countries, only Hungary had as large or even somewhat larger disparities as Turkey between low- and high-SES students’ mathematics achievement. The current study also identified SES-related inequities in access to qualified mathematics teachers in Turkey. Low-SES students were more likely to be taught by mathematics teachers who had less than 3 years of experience or who did not hold a degree in mathematics or mathematics education. On the other hand, years of experience and a degree in mathematics or mathematics education were found to be substantially related to Turkish eighth-grade students’ mathematics achievement. Low-SES students’ mathematics teachers were also more likely to report lack of confidence in their preparation to teach various mathematics contents. To narrow achievement gaps, Turkish policy-makers can explore and benefit from policies of the countries identified in the present study as more equitable in terms of student achievement than Turkey. The current study also shows Turkish policy-makers importance of the equitable distribution of qualified mathematics teachers in closing the mathematics achievement gap in middle schools.

The aim of the thesis is to analyze the transformation of the Turkish welfare regime in the framework of the social security reforms and the effect of the individual pension system on both this transformation and women&rsquo / s welfare considering the gender gap in retirement. While there is a growing literature on Turkey&rsquo / s social security reform, there are only few studies on the gender dimension of social security and the gender effects of the reform. This study aims to contribute to this literature by examining the gender gap in recently introduced individual pension system (2003) in Turkey from a sociological perspective. The literature review focuses mainly on Esping-Andersen&rsquo / s welfare regime typology and its critics to categorize the current welfare regime of Turkey. The Southern European welfare regimes are examined particularly to construct a theoretical framework for the Turkish welfare regime and its transformation. Furthermore, the literature on gender inequality and social security is examined to discuss the gender gap in private pension systems. This thesis based upon some statistical and actuarial analyses to explore the gender gap. By using &lsquo / actual data&rsquo / the effects of some sociodemographic and socio-economic factors on the participation and the contribution rate to the individual pension system are examined. Besides, gender gap in benefits that arise from the defined contribution schemes in a serious of projection using a stochastic actuarial model is analyzed. The study is supported by the interviews made with three experts and decision makers about these issues.

This Study examined issues related to persistence in higher education among African American students, using the prominent model proposed by Vincent Tinto. The intentions were to examine the growing gender gap among African American students. The study examines factors from the Tinto model such as high school GPA, College GPA, college social integration and academic integration to try and explain the effects of gender among African American students. This research also attempts to elaborate the Tinto model by considering high school extracurricular activities as a pre-entry attribute that has an effect on persistence in higher education. Use of the Tinto model, even in an elaborated state, did not explain the effects of gender among African American students. This research suggests that other factors not included in the model have some effect on student persistence; one such factor could be gender socialization which can lead to different patterns in educational achievement.

Background: All over the world men and women show different health patterns, and therecan be many and various reasons for these differences. This thesis therefore evaluates theimpact of gender equality on health. To do this, we must be able to measure gender equality.In this thesis, we develop two new measurements of gender equality and evaluate the relationshipbetween gender equality and health. Methods: Two cross-sectional studies, one register-based and one survey study, are used tocompare different measurements of gender equality and different measurements of health,and the relationship between them. Differences between men and women in relation to healthoutcome are also discussed in the thesis. The register study, comprising 1 097 202 individuals,is based on public registers and includes information on workplace, income, sickness absence,full-time/part-time work, level of education, parental leave and temporary parental leave.A gender equality measurement, the Organizational Gender Gap Index or OGGI, was constructedand 123 companies in two sectors were ranked using the index. Employees in 21 of the mostand least gender-equal companies were invited to participate in a survey. A second genderequality index was constructed based on respondents’ own reports regarding gender equalityin their partner relationship. The variables measured were income, full-time/part-time work,educational level, and responsibilities for and sharing of household duties and parental leave.Both indices were evaluated using the single question: How gender equal is your workplace/your relationship with your partner? The four measurements were dichotomized and testedfor a relationship to health. Health was measured by three different measurements: registerbasedsickness absence, self-reported sickness absence in the past year, and self-rated health. Results: The thesis has produced two new measurements of gender equality, described above.On gender equality in the partner relationship, we found a difference between men and women.Men perceive higher gender equality than they report, while women report more gender equalitythan they perceive. When it comes to gender equality at work, we found that employees perceivetheir company to be more gender equal than the OGGI index shows. This thesis confirms thefindings that men have better health than women regardless of measurement. However, inthis study we also found that increased gender equality decreases these differences. If employeesperceive their company to be gender equal, they have higher odds of rating their health asgood, and this is especially so for women. Conclusion: This thesis supports the hypothesis that differences in health between men andwomen can be related to a lack of gender equality. When men and women have differentpossibilities and power to shape society and their own lives, their health will be affected throughembodiment of both biological and sociological determinants in accordance with the eco-socialtheory. Increased gender equality will decrease the differences in health between men andwomen through convergence. The theory of convergence explains why men and women areaffected differently by greater gender equality. Greater gender equality will also decrease thesocial injustice between men and women and improve justice in accordance with the theoryof justice to gender.The differences found between the indices and the single question on perceived genderequality make clear the need for “hard facts” as an complement to people’s own views on gender equality.

The possibility to earn a living and support a family independently is still a utopia for many women all around the world. Many organizations are constantly fighting for awareness of these issues and strive for an improvement in women’s economic equality. One of these organizations is the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) which in its preamble acknowledges that "discrimination violates the principles of equality of rights and respect for human dignity".By the tenth anniversary of the CEDAW, almost one hundred nations have agreed to be bound by its provision. Some governments have achieved their goals by replacing discriminatory laws and policies in order to guarantee gender equality. Others have even gone the extra mile by promoting legislation which in turn would make it easier for women to be able to develop their careers. For instance, some have provided longer maternity leave, and in a few exceptional cases, some others gave the possibility of joint parental leave, creating a co-responsibility between men and women. Nevertheless, some governments have not done enough to balance the gender gap. Some even keep discriminatory laws on the books despite having come to powerlifting the flag of social justice and gender equality. This has been the case of many of the so-called “Pink Tide governments” that ruled in the majority of South America during the first two decades of the 21st century. Despite the left turn of these governments, women in the region are still exposed to segregation and jobs with lower status or a lower payment. This paper focuses on this particular period of South American political history, with a focus on the government policies issued to fight the increasing gender gap on women's economic participation and opportunities. In order to account for the actions taken by these governments towards gender equality policies, we will analyze the maternity and parental leave laws implemented during this period, as we understand that women’s social and economic rights are closely related to their status and conditions at work. Finally, we argue that in this case, the color pink has not been representing women in Latin America.

Over the past two decades Rwanda has done outstanding work that has promoted female empowerment. The development resulted in a majorit of women in parliament, ensuring girls' education and high female participation in the labor force. An inclusive private sector could further promote sustainable development and help meet the country's emerging goals. The field of literature on how enterprises within the private sector perfrom is borad. Several studies find that women are underperforming, and that accesing finance is a major challenge for female entrepreneurs in developing regions. This paper research if there is a gender gap in sales performance amongst Rwandan enterprises in 2019 and how bank funding affect firms' perfromance in term of annual sales. A cross-sectional study was conducted by utilizing the World Bank Enterprise Survey form 2019 constituting of 365 Rwandan firms. Ths tudy adopts OLS, quantile and interaction regression to examine the relationships between annual sales and gender of the entrepreneur. The results showed a rather large perfromance gap and that bank funding have a substational effect on a firm's perfromance. However, the study could not establish a significant interaction between bank funding and female led firms. In order to diminish the established gap, policies are needed to promote gender equality wihtin Rwandas's formal private sector.

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I cover three topics in empirical microeconomics. In the first chapter, titled Investor Attention to Firm versus Market-wide Information Shocks: Evidence from North Korean Missile Tests, I study whether attention towards salient political events leads to underutilization of firm-specific information in the South Korean stock market. I find that companies with earnings surprises in the top quartile experience a 1.6% increase in the abnormal return on the announcement day, but a same-day missile test takes away 70% of the positive response. In the second chapter, titled Does Cultural Proximity Mitigate the Effect of Immigration on Electoral Outcomes? (with Gerard Domènech), we study the effect of immigration on electoral outcomes using individual-level administrative data in Spain. In a multiple instrumentations framework, we find that recent immigrants who arrived within two years are associated with an increase in the vote share of the extremist parties. Such an effect persists for additional two years but dissipates in the long-term. When split by regions of origin, African immigrants have the greatest impact, followed by Latin American immigrants. European immigrants do not affect the extremist vote shares. An analysis of the unemployment rate and the number of children suggests that immigrants tend to assimilate over time. The findings are consistent with the hypothesis that cultural proximity mitigates the political reaction to immigrants. In the third chapter, titled The Effect of Daddy Quota on Gender Labor Market Outcomes (with Petra Niedermeyerova), we study the impact of a father-specific parental leave policy on labor market outcomes in Quebec, Canada. Using a province-level difference-in-difference approach, we find that the so-called daddy quota increases the probability of employment for women and decreases the wage of younger men. The results suggest that the daddy quota promoted equal opportunities for women in the labor market. In a theoretical framework, we show that policy-driven changes in gender norms are consistent with our findings.

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