Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:19:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Erica Barbosa Joslin.pdf: 613058 bytes, checksum: ef42e4912a0ce0462a959567c1da5276 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The organization of social life took place face the necessity and the ideal of a common good. The failures and the mistakes of the past led to the development of new theories about the State until take the form of democratic rule of law. This mutation that occurred inherent to society and the state itself, led to a new reality and now we have a new model of State, the Cooperative Constitutional State that, without lose their constitutional characteristics, can be seen increasingly linked to public international law, a requirement to a new reality, the global open society, which requires open constitutional solutions to the problems and the repercussions of the international concern. The demands of the Cooperative Constitutional State involve the reassessment of the General Theory of the State, which leads to the birth of a New General Theory of the State, particularly concerned with human rights and their common responsibility, national and international promotion of such rights through the full development and the social inclusion of people. In this scenario, the States are increasingly integrated, by the fact that alone they are not capable to respond adequately to the needs of contemporary society, open to the world, whose future stability requires the conformation of national legislation with the international promotion of human rights, international settle of the United Nations and its Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In this way, the Cooperative Constitutional State find, in the International Organizations, the reinforcement to the idea that, besides the Community Law and its fundamental role in the development of new concepts for the Integration Law, there are areas to build a new State model, more integrated to a possible formation of a Global Federalism / A organização da vida em sociedade se deu diante da necessidade e do ideal do bem comum. As falhas e os erros do passado conduziram ao desenvolvimento de novas teorias acerca do Estado, até que assumisse a forma do Estado Democrático de Direito. Ocorre que a mutação, inerente à sociedade e ao próprio Estado, conduziu a uma nova realidade e hoje temos um novo modelo de Estado, o Estado Constitucional Cooperativo, que sem perder as características constitucionais se vê cada vez mais ligado ao Direito Internacional Público, exigência de uma nova realidade, a sociedade mundial aberta, que impõe uma abertura constitucional aos problemas e soluções de repercussão e interesse internacional. As exigências do Estado Constitucional Cooperativo implicam na reavaliação da Teoria Geral do Estado, o que dá azo ao nascimento de uma Nova Teoria Geral do Estado, especialmente preocupada com os direitos humanos e respectiva responsabilidade comum, nacional e internacional, na promoção desses direitos, por intermédio do desenvolvimento integral e respectiva inclusão social. Neste cenário, os Estados se vêm cada vez mais integrados, pois sozinhos não são capazes de responder adequadamente às necessidades da sociedade contemporânea, aberta ao mundo, cuja estabilidade futura impõe a conformação do nacional com o internacional, para promoção dos direitos humanos, firmados internacionalmente a partir da Organização das Nações Unidas e respectiva Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos. Nesse sentido, o Estado Constitucional Cooperativo encontra nas organizações internacionais o reforço da idéia de que, além do Direito Comunitário e seu papel fundamental no desenvolvimento dos novos conceitos relativos ao Direito da Integração, há espaço para a construção de um novo modelo de Estado, cada vez mais integrado, e à possível formação de um Federalismo Global

This thesis provides a critical analysis of the post-Soviet police transformation that has been on the agenda for about two decades in all over the world. To elaborate and rethink this analysis within a concrete historical process, the transformation of the police in Turkey is focused on. However, as the number of political science-based studies on the police are very limited, and as the dominant academic studies on neoliberal police reform have been determined by policy makers themselves, that state of affairs has necessitated a prior theoretical research to be made on the question of &ldquo / what the police is&rdquo / . For, it is proved to be impossible to produce critical knowledge on police transformation without developing a theoretical framework on the nature of the modern police and the tensions embedded in it. Hence, before analyzing the neoliberal period, the thesis attempts to develop a class-based theoretical framework on the formation of the modern police in the 19th century, and concludes that the modern police apparatus has been shaped by a specific political division of labour between the state power and the class power. The form of the police is defined according to by which of these powers it is determined more, a process which has been constituted since the 19th century by a transnational collective agency that includes various fractions of the ruling classes as well as police chiefs and police intellectuals. It is the historical materialist method that provides the theoretical toolset to make sense of the transformation taking place in the police. Having analyzed the neoliberal police reform by the help of this theoretical toolset, the thesis maintains that in the neoliberal era the police apparatuses have been reintroduced to the political sphere as &ldquo / anti-statist non-state&rdquo / actors, and started making transformative interventions in the modern political field. The police restructured as a non-state actor has been dissolving the modern political field through various strategies. The thesis specifies these strategies on the basis of the police transformation process in Turkey. The police apparatus in Turkey has been constructing itself even as a &ldquo / civil society&rdquo / organization, and redefining the processes of legitimation, and mass participation of people in politics &ndash / which are necessary aspects modern political field- through its new police ideology. The main argument of the thesis is that this process as a whole is one that restores the class power of the capitalists over the police.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Milton Eduardo Sanson.pdf: 1123517 bytes, checksum: c648d263e19991ca1fc0cc878ebe9f6c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-02-28 / Concerning our social organization profoundly unequal a historical and statistically proved fact , in this dissertation we investigated the origins and the causes for this situation, their relation with the public politics, seeking the comprehension of how the action of the Rule of Law in the execution of social politics may have impact in the reversion or in the continuance of this situation. Considering these facts we take as subject of discussion the Program Bolsa Família , in order to delimit the study to this practical case which is engendering large debates in the social, political and economic ambiency. / Diante de nossa organização social profundamente desigual fato comprovado histórica e estatisticamente , busca-se, nesta dissertação, investigar as origens e as causas desse quadro, inserido na relação com as políticas públicas, objetivando compreender de que forma a atuação do Estado de direito na execução de políticas sociais pode ter impacto na reversão ou na continuidade dessa situação. Para tanto será abordado como objeto de discussão o Programa Bolsa Família, a fim de delimitar o estudo a um caso prático que vem suscitando amplos debates no meio social, político e econômico.

[pt] O presente trabalho se concentra no paradoxo da fundamentação do Estado Mínimo contemporâneo a partir da função punitiva, como forma de preservação de direitos humanos, mesmo ciente de que as ferramentas punitivas disponíveis são constantes fontes de violação de direitos humanos. Em um primeiro momento, descreve uma crise de identidade que vem do nascimento mesmo do Direito Penal como iniciativa de contenção do poder punitivo aos limites da garantias fundamentais dos indivíduos. Na sequência, aponta o desenvolvimento de uma lógica punitiva que passa de uma necessidade de disciplinamento da mão de obra fabril na revolução industrial à gestão de excedentes humanos sem qualquer finalidade, como se tornaram as prisões de hoje. Para pontar a ciência desta estrutura, a análise de casos específicos da jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos aparece como base empírica para verificação de que mesmo o Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos estando ciente de que o sistemas punitivos são fontes constantes de violações a Direitos Humanos, continuam a demandar a utilização de instrumentos punitivos e repressivos para a proteção dos Direitos Humanos. Ao concluir aponta a necessidade da superação de qualquer lógica punitivas na preservação dos Direitos Humanos. / [en] This paper focuses on the paradox of the grounds of the State Minimum contemporary from the punitive function, in order to protect human rights even aware that the available punitive tools are constant sources of human rights violations. At first, it describes an identity crisis that comes from the same birth of the Criminal Law as containment initiative of the punitive power of the limits of the fundamental guarantees of individuals. Further, says the development of a punitive logic that is only a need for disciplining hand labor factory in the industrial development to the management of human surpluses without any purpose, as became today s prisons. To pontar science of this structure, the analysis of specific cases of the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights appears as empirical basis for finding that even the International Law of Human Rights being aware that the punitive systems are constant sources of violations of Human Rights continue to require the use of punitive and repressive instruments for the protection of Human rights. At the conclusion points to the need of overcoming any punitive logic in the preservation of human rights.

Ce mémoire porte sur la pensée politique du juriste allemand Carl Schmitt, plus précisément sur sa critique de l’universalisme libéral. Sur la base d’une analyse de ses principaux textes, nous démontrons que la pertinence de cet auteur controversé réside dans le défi renouvelé que présente son antinormativisme pour la pensée politique contemporaine. Nous soutenons qu’il y a chez Schmitt un souci constant de rattacher le droit à l’ordre concret, qu’il soit institué ou reçu. Nous démontrons ensuite comment l’antinormativisme se prolonge en droit international dans la critique de l’universalisme, entendu comme l’ambition de penser le politique à partir de l’humanité comme sujet unique. D’une perspective décisionniste, l’universalisme masque des intérêts impérialistes qu’il convient de dénoncer ; d’une perspective institutionnaliste, l’universalisme néglige l’ordre spatial concret sur lequel repose le droit international. Nous affirmons que Schmitt démontre l’importance de préserver l’autonomie de la science juridique envers la morale et la technique. / This essay examines Carl Schmitt’s political theory and more specifically his critique of liberal universalism. The aim is to show that the relevance of this controversial writer lies in the renewed challenge that his antinormativism represents to contemporary political theory. I maintain that there is in Schmitt’s thinking a constant attempt to establish the modalities of a relationship between law and order, whether it be instituted order or given order. I further illustrate how schmittian antinormativism, in international law, gives rise to a critique of universalism, understood as the attempt to think the political from the perspective of humanity considered in its unity. From a decisionist perspective, universalism hides imperialistic interests that must be unveiled; from an institutionalist perspective, universalism neglects the concrete spatial order on which international law is grounded. It is thus argued that Schmitt demonstrates the significance of preserving the autonomy of jurisprudence towards moral and technic.

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