Este trabalho tem por objetivo principal estudar especificamente a percepção da academia chinesa em relação ao Brasil, bem como a relação entre os dois países. A análise tem por base a utilização de dez revistas acadêmicas chinesas na esfera de política/economia internacional, elaboradas por Think Tanks consagrados. O trabalho é composto por três partes. A primeira seção apresentará um quadro geral da disciplina Relações Internacionais na China e explicará também as principais funções de TTs da China. A segunda parte contém informações quantitativas obtidas pela análise dos periódicos, concentrando-se em três aspectos: a distribuição do tema, da região e do país; a quantidade de artigos que têm o Brasil como tema e, ainda, uma comparação da quantidade dos artigos de determinados países em relação ao Brasil. A título de conclusão, far-se-á uma revisão descritiva dos artigos encontrados sobre o Brasil, apresentando qual é a imagem do Brasil aos olhos da academia chinesa, e qual o seu posicionamento acerca da relação sino-brasileira. / The main objective of this work is to study specifically the Chinese academic perception in relation to Brazil, as well as the relationship between the two countries. The analysis is based on ten Chinese academic journals in the field of international politics and economy, publicated by principal Think Tanks. It consists of three parts. The first section presents a general framework of the International Relations discipline in China and also explains the main functions of chinese foreign politics think tanks. The second part contains information obtained by quantitative analysis of the journals, focusing on three aspects: the distribution of the topic, the region and the country; the quantity of items about the Brazil and also a comparison of the amount of articles about Brazil and certain countries. In conclusion, a descriptive review of articles will be given, which is presenting Brazilian image in the eyes of the Chinese academy, and also his position on the China- Brazil relationship.

The thesis deals with topics of Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and dynamic assessment. The first section briefly characterizes ADHD and it provides an overview of studies on interventions for ADHD pupils in school settings. Specifically, the effect of incentive therapy and daily report cards, adjustments in the school environment and during the lessons, and finally the intervention supporting the development of homework, planning and organizational skills are discussed. The next part of the theory focuses on dynamic assessment and its use in identifying the learning potential of pupils with special educational needs, learning and social disadvantage, or gifted pupils. The empirical part verifies the use of dynamic assessment in pupils with ADHD. The aim was to evaluate the effect of the mediation phase on performance in the posttest of The Seria- Think Instrument among pupils with ADHD. As a result, pupils with ADHD improved their posttest performance. The benefit of the mediation phase in this research was observed in reducing the number of insertions of wooden sticks into the wholes, in changing the problém solving strategy, and in shortening the time of tasks performance. Keywords: ADHD, dynamic assessment, intervention, The Seria-Think Instrument, Tzuriel, mediation phase,...

Depuis l’élection de Jean Charest en 2003, nous constatons que les dogmes issus du discours idéologique néolibéral (déréglementation, privatisation, libéralisation et réduction des dépenses publiques) ont régulièrement et fortement inondé tous les domaines de l’espace public québécois, tant chez les élus que chez les grands conglomérats de médias écrits et audiovisuels. Nous cherchions à savoir qui exerçait une si grande influence pour que rayonnent ces idées conservatrices dans les discours publics au Québec. Nos recherches nous ont menée à un Think Tank québécois : l’Institut économique de Montréal. L’élite intellectuelle qui compose cette organisation a su user d’une influence importante auprès de certains médias écrits, notamment ceux de Gesca, qui, grâce à l’étendue de son puissant réseau social et à son adhésion aux stratégies d’influence de ses pairs, les Think Tanks partisans, a relayé les idées néolibérales de l’IEDM à l’intérieur du discours public québécois. Ce Think Tank a ainsi fait rayonner ses idées dans les pages des quotidiens parmi les plus lus par les Québécois francophones. De jeunes Think Tanks comme l’IEDM jugent primordial l’accès aux médias pour façonner l’opinion et les politiques publiques. Leur objectif est de réussir à influencer la mise à l’agenda et le cadrage des médias afin qu’ils favorisent leurs propositions et leurs idées. L’analyse de trois cas a permis de montrer, qu’à trois moments différents, l’IEDM a influencé la mise à l’agenda des quotidiens de Gesca et que le cadrage s’est révélé favorable aux propositions de l’IEDM dans une proportion importante. / Since the election of Jean Charest in 2003, we notice that the neoliberal’s ideas (deregulation, privatization, liberalization, and reduction of government expenditures) have regularly inundated all public exchange of ideas in Quebec, from elected politicians to media conglomerates. The author tried to determine how conservative ideas became part of the public discourse in Quebec. Our research lead us to a Quebec think tank: Montreal Economic Institute. The managers of this organization used its important influence with written media, particularly Gesca. Thanks to its large, powerful social network and its influence strategy, the Montreal Economic Institute think tank was able to transmit its neoliberal ideas. In this way, this think tank has spread these ideas in the pages of the most read Quebecois daily newspapers. Young think tanks, such as Montreal Economic Institute, believe that access to the media is essential to shape public opinion and public policy. Their purpose is to influence the setting of the agenda and the framing of discourse in the media to favor the respective think tank’s propositions and ideas. The author analyzed three different cases, at three different times, in which she demonstrates that the Montreal Economic Institute has influenced the agenda setting of Gesca, and that the framing was largely favorable to the Montreal Economic Institute’s propositions.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

This PhD thesis investigated the role of the basal ganglia in memory and motor inhibition. Recent neuroimaging evidence suggests a supramodal network of inhibition involving the lateral prefrontal cortex. Here we examined whether this supramodal network also includes subcortical structures, such as the basal ganglia. Despite their well-established role in motor control, the basal ganglia are repeatedly activated but never interpreted during memory inhibition. We first used a series of meta-analyses to confirm the consistent involvement of the basal ganglia across studies using memory and motor inhibition tasks (including the Go/No-Go, Think/No-Think, and Stop-signal tasks), and discovered that there may be different subprocesses of inhibition. For instance, while the Go/No-Go task may require preventing a response from taking place, the Think/No-Think and Stop-signal tasks may require cancelling an emerging or ongoing response. We then conducted an fMRI study to examine how the basal ganglia interact with other putative supramodal regions (e.g., DLPFC) to achieve memory and motor inhibition during prevention and cancellation. Through dynamic causal modelling (DCM), we found that both DLPFC and basal ganglia play effective roles to achieve inhibition in the task-specific regions (hippocampus for memory inhibition; primary motor cortex (M1) for motor inhibition). Specifically, memory inhibition requires a DLPFC-basal ganglia-hippocampus pathway, whereas motor inhibition requires a basal ganglia-DLPFC-M1 pathway. We correlated DCM coupling parameters with behavioural indices to examine the relationship between network dynamics during prevention and cancellation and the successfulness of inhibition. However, due to constraints with DCM parameter estimates, caution is necessary when interpreting these results. Finally, we used diffusion weighted imaging to explore the anatomical connections supporting functions and behaviour. Unfortunately, we were unable to detect any white matter variability in relation to effective connectivity or behaviour during the prevention or cancellation processes of memory and motor inhibition at this stage. This PhD thesis provides essential INITIAL evidence that not only are the basal ganglia consistently involved in memory and motor inhibition, but these structures are effectively engaged in these tasks, achieving inhibition through task-specific pathways. We will discuss our findings, interpretations, and future directions in the relevant chapters.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T19:18:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Junia1.pdf: 436338 bytes, checksum: d86c170713221219857b4f67e51e4cec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This master's thesis is an effort to systematize knowledge about the phenomena of think tanks - relevant actors of the public policy universe - through a theoretical-descriptive study, with the use of literature search. The think tanks, research organizations and advice on public policy, are widely studied in other countries, but in Brazil the phenomenon is not relevant elucidation. It is demonstrate the growing of a worldwide interconnection network between think tanks, and the increase of international studies on these organizations, while in Brazil the phenomenon remains allusive. As a result, this study purposes are to give visibility to the phenomena, adapting the traditional foreign literature to the Brazilian reality; to provide means to identify the influence exerted by these organizations in national policy making, structuring a comprehensive theoretical basis; and to allow the understanding and recognition, on empirical reality, of think tanks in action in Brazil. Its practical relevance are supported by the explanation of the phenomena, its context in the global and national landscape, and the analysis of this interest´s groups influence on the production of public policies in Brazil ‒ which is currently restricted in the national academic scene to a few scholars with specific focus: it is expected that more people understand what a think tank is and what is its activity. The study is conducted from the perspective of policy analysis and model group, focusing on the role of think tanks in the public policy cycle. Hence, as a study´s result, it is propose an expression, in Portuguese, to replace the use of expression think tank, and a concept that is appropriate to the reality of the phenomena in Brazil. There is also presented a classification of organizations, mapped to support the study as examples. Among the findings, it is consider the significant need to encourage studies about public policy, appropriate to the country s reality, since public policy is consider a "middle range theory", in a sense of a study field still being constructed that, however, directly influences the daily life ‒ and future ‒ of people / Esta dissertação de mestrado representa um esforço de sistematização do conhecimento sobre o fenômeno dos think tanks ‒ atores relevantes do universo da política pública ‒ e sua adequação à realidade nacional, por meio de um estudo teórico-descritivo e uso de pesquisa bibliográfica. Os think tanks, organizações de pesquisa e aconselhamento em políticas públicas, são amplamente estudados em outros países, mas no Brasil o fenômeno não encontra correspondente elucidação. É demonstrada a crescente interligação mundial em rede entre think tanks e o aumento de estudos internacionais sobre essas organizações, enquanto no Brasil o fenômeno permanece alusivo. Como conseqüência, este estudo objetiva conferir visibilidade ao fenômeno, adequando a literatura estrangeira tradicional à realidade brasileira; prover meios para identificação da influência exercida por essas organizações no processo nacional de policy making; estruturar uma base teórica abrangente, que permita a compreensão e o reconhecimento, na realidade empírica, de think tanks em atuação no Brasil. Sua relevância prática reside no esclarecimento do fenômeno, sua contextualização no panorama mundial e nacional e na análise dessa forma de atuação de grupos de interesse sobre a produção de políticas públicas no Brasil ‒ que se restringe atualmente, no cenário acadêmico nacional, a poucos estudiosos com enfoques específicos: espera-se que mais pessoas entendam o que são e o que fazem os think tanks. O estudo é conduzido sobre a ótica da policy analysis e o modelo de grupo, focalizando a atuação dos think tanks no ciclo da política pública. Como resultado do estudo é feita a proposição de uma expressão em português em substituição ao uso do termo think tank e de um conceito apropriado à realidade do fenômeno no Brasil. Apresenta-se ainda uma tipologia de classificação dessas organizações, na qual são enquadradas àquelas mapeadas no estudo, a título de exemplificação. Entre as conclusões obtidas, destaca-se como significativa a necessidade de fomentar estudos sobre a política pública, adequados à realidade do país, uma vez que se trata de uma middle range theory , isto é, um campo de estudo ainda em construção que, contudo influencia diretamente o cotidiano e o futuro ‒ das pessoas em geral

Este trabalho tem por objetivo principal estudar especificamente a percepção da academia chinesa em relação ao Brasil, bem como a relação entre os dois países. A análise tem por base a utilização de dez revistas acadêmicas chinesas na esfera de política/economia internacional, elaboradas por Think Tanks consagrados. O trabalho é composto por três partes. A primeira seção apresentará um quadro geral da disciplina Relações Internacionais na China e explicará também as principais funções de TTs da China. A segunda parte contém informações quantitativas obtidas pela análise dos periódicos, concentrando-se em três aspectos: a distribuição do tema, da região e do país; a quantidade de artigos que têm o Brasil como tema e, ainda, uma comparação da quantidade dos artigos de determinados países em relação ao Brasil. A título de conclusão, far-se-á uma revisão descritiva dos artigos encontrados sobre o Brasil, apresentando qual é a imagem do Brasil aos olhos da academia chinesa, e qual o seu posicionamento acerca da relação sino-brasileira. / The main objective of this work is to study specifically the Chinese academic perception in relation to Brazil, as well as the relationship between the two countries. The analysis is based on ten Chinese academic journals in the field of international politics and economy, publicated by principal Think Tanks. It consists of three parts. The first section presents a general framework of the International Relations discipline in China and also explains the main functions of chinese foreign politics think tanks. The second part contains information obtained by quantitative analysis of the journals, focusing on three aspects: the distribution of the topic, the region and the country; the quantity of items about the Brazil and also a comparison of the amount of articles about Brazil and certain countries. In conclusion, a descriptive review of articles will be given, which is presenting Brazilian image in the eyes of the Chinese academy, and also his position on the China- Brazil relationship.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:31:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Robson Malacarne.pdf: 1948784 bytes, checksum: 3d6201f0c3581e7bc4deeb85b46f5f3c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-07 / The adoption of the powers of logic to discuss Sustainable Development (SD) in the business environment arises from the concern of developing actions that recognize the strategic environmental issue in the relationship with stakeholders. In this context, Stone (2005) analyzes the emergence and performance of a relevant actor, the Think Tanks, which are groups seeking to influence governments and companies to adopt certain discourses and initiatives. Among these actors emerge those who are engaged in building an agenda for the business world into the DS, as the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD). But what sense the educational actions taken by these think tanks take in this process? What kind of skills promote? To answer these questions we chose to study the performance of the Think Tank WBCSD, from Derrida's deconstruction. Took to this discourse and Skills Development Actions for Sustainability (SDfS), held by the Boards (BCSDs) of Brazil and Portugal. The research question that guided this research was as follows: What are the meanings of SDfS initiatives, disseminated by the WBCSD, which are revealed in his speeches and educational activities? In the study of the trajectory analyzed the documents that present the thought of the DS entity (Vision 2050 and Action 2020) in order to understand the discourses and sustainable initiatives. In addition, interviews were performed with Coordinators, Associate Specialists and BCSD Brazil and BCSD Portugal to understand the initiatives and educational activities of DCPS developed by these councils between the years 2010 to 2013. To understand this discursive game developed the metaphor read Think Tanke, used to analyze the performance of the WBCSD, which can develop a "thought armored car" closed the other translations, and/or assume the posture of a moderator speeches, most associated with the "thought tank " Explains that the "tank" is a popular technology that is based on the principles of sustainability and is applied in the Northeast of Brazil through water harvesting during the rainy season, so that the supply times of crisis to use liquid reserved. In this sense, the "thinking tank" is the work of "think tanke " that opens the diversity of opinions and readings in order to develop strategies to act in a sustainable way in times of plenty and in crisis situations. In light of Derrida, the survey results show the ambiguities and the nature of expertise in the speeches and initiatives that predominate in SDfS programs. Values to adapt the business to DS logic in a discursive context that want to build a new relationship between business and society, expressed in the document Vision 2050, but still can not be consistent enough to consolidate an effective change. For the WBCSD go in his ways the entity needs to recognize its responsibility in the concrete and the effectiveness of SDfS initiatives. This finding requires that the entity's educational activities as well as developing skills to meet the urgent environmental crisis, also needs to promote more associated skills to understand a " thought tank" that seek to respond social and environmental issues in their complexity when considering the various translations on the theme. / A adoção da lógica de competências para discutir o Desenvolvimento Sustentável (DS) no ambiente empresarial surge a partir da preocupação em desenvolver ações que reconhecem a questão socioambiental estratégica na relação com os stakeholders. Neste contexto, Stone (2005) analisa a emergência e atuação de um ator relevante, os Think Tanks, que são grupos que buscam influenciar os governos e as empresas a adotar determinados discursos e iniciativas. Entre esses atores emergem aqueles que se ocupam em construir uma agenda para o mundo empresarial em direção ao DS, como o Conselho Empresarial Mundial para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável (WBCSD). Mas que sentido as ações educacionais promovidas por estes Think Tanks assumem nesse processo? Que natureza de competências promovem? Para responder a estas perguntas optou-se por estudar a atuação do Think Tank WBCSD, à luz da desconstrução de Derrida. Tomaram-se para isso os discursos de Desenvolvimento de Competências para a Sustentabilidade (DCpS), realizado pelos Conselhos (BCSDs) de Brasil e Portugal. A pergunta de pesquisa que orientou a presente investigação foi a que segue: Quais as traduções da lógica de DCpS, disseminadas pelo WBCSD, que se revelam em seus discursos educacionais? Na trajetória do estudo analisaram-se os documentos que apresentam o pensamento de DS da entidade (Visão 2050 e Ação 2020), a fim de entender os discursos e as iniciativas sustentáveis. Paralelamente, realizaram-se entrevistas com Coordenadores, Associados e Especialistas do BCSD Brasil e do BCSD Portugal para compreender as iniciativas e ações educativas de DCpS desenvolvidas por estes Conselhos entre os anos de 2010 a 2013. Para entender este jogo discursivo desenvolveu-se a metáfora de leitura Think Tanke, que serve para analisar a atuação do WBCSD, que pode desenvolver um pensamento carro blindado , fechado a outras traduções, e/ou assumir a postura de um moderador de discursos, mais associado ao pensamento cisterna . Explica-se que a cisterna é uma tecnologia popular que se baseia nos princípios de sustentabilidade e é aplicada no Nordeste do Brasil por meio da captação de água nos períodos de chuva, a fim de que nos momentos de crise de abastecimento utilize-se o líquido reservado. Nesse sentido, o pensamento cisterna representa a atuação do think tanke que se abre à diversidade de opiniões e leituras visando desenvolver estratégias para agir de um modo sustentável nos períodos de abundância e nas situações de crise. À luz de Derrida, os resultados da pesquisa revelam as ambiguidades e a natureza das competências presentes nos discursos e nas iniciativas que predominam nos programas de DCpS. Valoriza-se a adaptação dos empresários à lógica do DS num contexto discursivo que deseja a construção de uma nova relação entre empresa e sociedade, expressa no documento Visão 2050, mas que ainda não consegue ser consistente o suficiente para consolidar uma mudança efetiva. Para que o WBCSD avance em seu modo de agir, a entidade necessita reconhecer a sua responsabilidade na concretude e na efetividade das iniciativas de DCpS. Essa constatação exige que as ações educacionais da entidade além de desenvolver competências para responder a crise ambiental urgente, também precisa promover competências mais associadas a compreensão de um pensamento cisterna , que buscam responder a questão socioambiental em sua complexidade ao considerar as diversas traduções sobre a temática.

Cette recherche rend compte des difficultés de la diffusion des idées néo-libérales dans la vie politique française de 1974 jusqu’à 2012. Son premier apport consiste à démontrer – à travers un large panel de données sur les politiques publiques, l’opinion publique et les programmes des partis – qu’en France le succès des idées néo-libérales a été moindre par rapport aux autres pays européens. Son deuxième apport consiste à expliquer cette anomalie française, en contribuant plus généralement à la question de la diffusion des idéologies dans un système politique. La réponse se base sur une double étude : une analyse micro-historique centrée sur les acteurs (à partir d’entretiens et d’un travail sur les archives des organisations internationales de promotion du néo-libéralisme), couplée à une analyse macro-sociologique centrée sur les caractéristiques du contexte national. Il est montré que si la diffusion du néo-libéralisme a été moins importante en France par rapport à d’autres pays voisins, c’est en raison de la forte résistance de l’opinion publique à son égard. Celle-ci a restreint la fenêtre d’opportunité de ses partisans de manière directe en incitant les hommes politiques à ne pas mettre en œuvre des politiques publiques trop congruentes avec cette idéologie, et de manière indirecte, en exerçant une influence sur le discours économique et social des principaux partis politiques pouvant légitimer la mise en œuvre de mesures libéralisant les politiques publiques. De plus, la structure des institutions françaises a renforcé l’effet de « dépendance au sentier » dans la fabrique des politiques publiques en valorisant l’expertise d’État contre celle d’acteurs susceptibles de remettre en cause le consensus existant comme les universitaires et les think tanks. Enfin, à partir de la réalisation d’une socio-histoire inédite du mouvement néo-libéral depuis les années 1970, d’autres facteurs plus contingents sont identifiés. La fragmentation et la radicalité des partisans du néo-libéralisme, ainsi que la quasi absence d’entrepreneur politique susceptible d’incarner ces idées, ont contribué à la marginalité de ces idées dans le débat public. / This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate.This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate.

The subject of iterative prototyping with data is still in its infancy and problems arise when people with low programming skills aim to build a full-stack interactive web application on their own. This research attempts to evaluate how providing a framework with predefined notations and data structures can improve this process for novice developers. The work consists of an initial reimplementation of a model website and the evaluation of study participants with little experience in the frontend development field through the application of the Cognitive Dimensions and the Think-aloud methods. We have found that by eliminating the requirement of dealing with back-end queries through the offering of such a framework, the process of designing an interactive web application can be facilitated and hastened. There are, nevertheless, some improvements that can be made to further refine their programming experience. / Ämnet kring att framställa iterativa prototyper med data är fortfarande i sin begynnelse och problem uppstår när personer med låg kunskap i programmering har som mål att bygga en full-stack interaktiv webbapplikation. Denna forskning utvärderar hur utvecklingsprocessen kan förbättras för nya utvecklare genom att erbjuda ett ramverk med fördefinierade beteckningar och datastrukturer. Denna studie består av en implementerad modell av en webbapplikation samt utvärdering av studiedeltagare med begränsad erfarenhet inom front-end-utveckling. Utvärderingen gjordes genom användning av ramverket “Cognitive Dimensions” med tillhörande “Think-aloud”-metod. Resultatet visar att genom att eliminera krav för att hantera back-end-anrop har processen att designa en interaktiv webbapplikation kunnat underlättats och påskyndats med hjälp av ett ramverk. Resultatet identifierade även förbättringspunkter som kan implementeras för att vidare underlätta ramverkets programmeringsupplevelse för användare.