Conventional post-conflict state-building models approach disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR) programmes as a means for state actors to delegitimise non-state sources of power and centralise control over coercive power with the state. The programmes carry the promise of new lives for conflict actors and a new, modern and technocratic approach to the exercise of force; they are thus central to post-conflict transformation. However, this thesis calls into question the naturalisation of 'state' and 'conflict' actors in DDR models. Instead, it finds that DDR programmes create these categories and, in doing so, serve to mask and facilitate continuities in elite power. This thesis examines the case of Timor-Leste. In Timor-Leste, the country's new leaders - resistance actors cum state actors - have centralised legitimate power, while, at the same time, incorporated non-state, resistance-era networks and identities upon which their authority depends. The key technology through which this order has been established is a suite of reintegration programmes. In registering over a quarter of a million people and dispersing significant funds, this programme has emerged as a tool of governance. Again challenging the idea of a 'state' acting upon 'veterans', this thesis finds that these programmes constitute these identities. The act of defining non-state conflict actors who may no longer legitimately wield force also necessarily defines the category of state actors who may wield force. In asking what these programmes 'do,' this thesis rejects conventional readings of reintegration practices as security-driven or processes like registration as purely administrative challenges. As such, this study introduces a critical, new perspective on the political economy of post-conflict reintegration programmes. It supports its findings through a mixed methods approach, combining a robust, representative survey of over 220 former resistance members with ethnographic observation and 90 semi-structured elite interviews. This thesis is thus of relevance to those interested in DDR, conflict networks, and state-building.

The author joins the Peace Corps in the hopes that he will discover who he really is yet he only finds frustration. Upon returning to the States he has a daughter and finds peace. Within this peace, as he types up the life history of a friend, he finally makes a breakthrough, yet the answer he finds is not to his liking.

Orientador: Élson Luciano da Silva Pires / Coorientadora: Paula Guerra / Coorientadora: Teresa Marquês de Sá / Banca: Roque Valdir Dallabrida / Banca: Vera Lúcia Salazar Pessôa / Banca: Wilson B. Figueiredo / Banca: Lucas Labigalini Fuini / Resumo: O ponto de partida desta tese foi sublinhar os enormes desafios que Timor-Leste tem enfrentado em profissionalizar a juventude do país, tendo em vista a importância dessas iniciativas no desenvolvimento econômico e na construção de equidade territorial. A relevância capital dessas iniciativas nesse contexto relaciona-se à condição demográfica do pequeno país que tem uma população predominantemente jovem. Essa problemática coloca a necessidade de produzir alternativas para o seu desenvolvimento territorial, compreendendo devidamente o papel das iniciativas que estão sendo construídas localmente e da cooperação de atores sociais globais presentes no território com suas diferentes escalas de subsidiariedade e suas condicionalidades intrínsecas. O objetivo desta tese é analisar as políticas públicas para o aperfeiçoamento da juventude que estão implementadas em Timor-Leste, com enfoque no ensino técnico-vocacional, a partir das principais ações da Secretaria de Estado para a Política de Formação Profissional e Emprego e das suas redes de governança construída com os atores sociais presentes em Timor-Leste desde a sua independência. Nossa abordagem vincula-se à análise das dinâmicas territoriais e à forma como tem sido pensada a questão do desenvolvimento, a partir dos princípios da governança territorial, ou seja, da articulação entre o plano das políticas públicas e do ordenamento do território como vetores do desenvolvimento. A metodologia utilizada empregou técnicas estatísticas, sobreposição cartográfica, trabalho de campo, para realizar entrevistas com atores sociais, e posterior análise de conteúdo dos dados obtidos em campo. Ao final da tese, conclui-se que há uma sobreposição de agentes sociais em governança multinível em Timor-Leste e que profissionalizar a juventude do país contribui para o aperfeiçoamento da população jovem, constituindo-se como um fator de desenvolvimento... / Abstract: The departure point of this thesis was to highlight the enormous challenges faced by Timor-Leste to professionalize the youth of the country, taking into account the importance of these initiatives for the economic development and the construction of territorial equity. The capital relevance of these initiatives in this context is related to the demographic condition of the small country that has predominantly a young population. This question points out to the need of the country to produce alternatives for the territorial development, with a comprehension of the role of local initiatives and of the international cooperation of global social actors, which are in the territory with its diverse subsidiary scales and its intrinsic conditionalities. The main objective of this thesis is to analyse the policies for the professional training of youth, which have been implemented in Timor- Leste, with a focus on the vocational education, looking at the main initiatives of the National Secretary for Professional Training and Employment of Timor-Leste and the network of governance of this institution with different social actors that have been in Timor-Leste since its independence. The approach presented here is connected with the analysis of territorial dynamics and the ways that the question of development is related to the question of territorial governance, this means to understand the articulation of public policies and of territorial organization as sources for development. The methodology of the research was based in statistical techniques, cartographic overlapping, fieldwork to make interviews with the local social actors and at the end the content analysis of the data gathered in the field. The conclusion of this investigation is that there is an overlapping of social actors in terms of multilevel governance in Timor-Leste and that the professional training of the youth for the country contributes to the improvement of the qualifications... / Doutor

A Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) foi criada com o objetivo precípuo de assegurar e promover a paz mundial. Em mais de 60 anos de existência, a Organização ainda não logrou implementar a força militar permanente (ver artigo 47, parágrafo 3º da Carta da ONU) que seria a principal encarregada pela consecução desse objetivo por intermédio da coordenação da Comissão de Estado Maior. O fato de não ter constituído a referida força não significou a paralisação da ONU nos assuntos concernentes à paz. Demonstrando grande poder de adaptação, a Organização implementou as Missões de Paz, embora estas não existam oficialmente em seu estatutos. As missões de paz da ONU são a face mais visível do trabalho da Organização na promoção da paz mundial. Em 58 anos de existência, essas missões têm evoluído em quantidade e complexidade, exigindo, cada vez mais, recursos materiais e humanos. Em 1999, o estabelecimento da Missão de Paz no Timor Leste chamou a atenção da comunidade internacional por diversos motivos. Àquela época, a Instituição passava por uma crise de credibilidade provocada pela sua inação nos episódios inicias do Kosovo naquele mesmo ano. Não obstante, logrou desenvolver no Timor Leste a mais bem sucedida missão de paz jamais estabelecida em qualquer outra época de sua história. No Timor, a ONU assumiu todas as funções de governo a fim de ali desenvolver as bases necessárias ao nascimento de um Estado. Este estudo tem por finalidade fazer uma análise de todo esse processo, ressaltando a importância e o significado que essa missão teve no contexto das operações de paz das Nações Unidas. / The United Nations (UN) was created with the primary purpose of ensuring and promoting world peace. In over 60 years of existence, the Organization has not yet succeeded in implementing a permanent military force (see article 47, paragraph 3 of the UN Charter) that would be the main responsible for the attainment of this goal, acting under the coordination of the Military Staff Committee. The fact that the UN failed to constitute the aforesaid force does not mean it is inert when it comes to subjects concerning peace. Demonstrating a great power of adaptation, the Organization implemented the Peacekeeping Missions, although these do not officially exist in its statutes. The UN Peacekeeping Missions are the most visible face of the Organization’s work towards the promotion of world peace. In 58 years of existence, these missions have been evolving in quantity and complexity, increasingly demanding material and human resources. In 1999, the establishment of the Peacekeeping Mission in East Timor called the attention of the international community for a range of reasons. By that time, the Institution was undergoing a crisis of confidence due to its inaction in the early episodes of Kosovo that very year. Still, it managed to develop in East Timor the most successful peacekeeping mission ever established in its history. In Timor, the UN also took over all the government functions in order to develop there the necessary bases for the birth of a State. This study aims at analyzing this whole process, stressing the importance and meaning that this mission had within the context of the UN peacekeeping operations.

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-10-30T11:44:09Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_FormacaoProfessoresContexto.pdf: 1021208 bytes, checksum: 4c99d02ae719ce1f6e10ca12ee767dc3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-10-31T12:18:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_FormacaoProfessoresContexto.pdf: 1021208 bytes, checksum: 4c99d02ae719ce1f6e10ca12ee767dc3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-31T12:18:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_FormacaoProfessoresContexto.pdf: 1021208 bytes, checksum: 4c99d02ae719ce1f6e10ca12ee767dc3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / A presente pesquisa investiga como os sujeitos envolvidos no processo de aprendizagem de Português no curso de formação de professores do Bacharelato emergencial em Ciências Naturais, ofertado em Timor-Leste pela cooperação brasileira no período entre outubro/2009 e dezembro/2010, “traduzem / interpretam” o discurso de (re)introdução da língua portuguesa nesse país. A pesquisa baseia-se em dados produzidos ou reconstituídos a partir de minha experiência como professora do curso de formação de professores em língua portuguesa, através do “Programa de Qualificação e ensino da Língua Portuguesa em Timor-Leste (PQLP)”, coordenado pela Fundação CAPES. Para proceder à discussão, tomo como ferramentas teórico-metodológicas conceitos de Maingueneau (2008), especialmente os de “interincompreensão” e “simulacro”, como também os conceitos de “estratégia” e “tática” de Michel de Certeau (2012), que compõem seu modelo polemológico das apropriações culturais. As análises apontam que a maneira como cursistas e formador se apropriam do discurso da política de (re)introdução da língua portuguesa em Timor é determinada por formações discursivas diferentes, e que a relação interdiscursiva estabelecida entre elas desencadeia o fenômeno da “interincompreensão”. Compreender como essas formações discursivas se traduzem mutuamente na sala de aula, dentro das atividades que a princípio se destinariam ao ensino e a aprendizagem do português, contribui para que se possa (re)definir as intervenções didáticas das aulas de Português na formação de professores, assim como a política de (re)introdução do português em Timor-Leste. Defendemos que o ensinoaprendizagem do português, no contexto de Timor-Leste, precisa ser compreendido não apenas do ponto de vista didático, no que diz respeito à construção e mediação de saberes entre alunos e professores, como também do ponto de vista ideológico, uma vez que nesse país as propostas de formação atuais representam um projeto que pode conflitar com valores e crenças existentes na sociedade a respeito do idioma português e da relação entre a escola e outras instituições. / This research investigates how students translate and interpret the discourse of the reintroduction of the Portuguese Language in East Timor. The students are learning this language as part as the training course named Bachelor of Natural Sciences degree, that was offered by a Brazilian cooperation from October 2009 to December 2010. The research is based on data produced or reconstituted from my experience as a teacher in this course that was promoted by the "Program for Teacher Qualification and Portuguese Language Teaching (PQLP) coordinated by CAPES Foundation. For data discussion, I use as theoretical and methodological tools: Maingueneau concepts (2008), especially "interincomprehension" and "simulacrum"; and the concepts of “strategy” and “tactics” by Michel de Certeau (2012), which compose his polemologico model of cultural appropriation. The analysis suggests that the way course participants and trainers appropriate themselves in the reintroduction policy of discourse of the Portuguese Language in East Timor is determined by different discursive formations and that the interdiscursive relationship established between them cause the phenomenon of "interincomprehension". Understanding how these discursive formations translate themselves into the classroom, in teaching and learning the Portuguese Language activities, can contribute to (re)define the educational interventions in the Portuguese classes in the teacher training course and the policy of reintroduction of the Portuguese Language in East Timor. We argue that the teaching and learning of the Portuguese Language in East Timor need to be understood not only from the didactic point of view, with regard to the construction and mediation of knowledge between students and teachers, but also from the ideological point of view, since the current teachers training programs in this country, represent a project that may conflict with the society’s values and beliefs about the Portuguese Language and the relationship between the school and other institutions.

The differences in the international responses to the violent conflicts in East Timor (1998–1999), Maluku (1999–2003) and Aceh (1998–2005) are examined in this research. Given the growing acceptance of the significance of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes, the humanitarian crises in Maluku and Aceh might prima facie have justified humanitarian intervention similar to that in East Timor. By analysing the differences from the Indonesia’s domestic political point of view it is clear that the conscience-shocking situation caused by the violent conflicts was not the compelling factor for the international community to militarily intervene. The deployment of a multinational force in East Timor (INTERFET) was decided only after the UN and foreign major countries believed that such military intervention would not jeopardize the ongoing process of democratization in Indonesia. This suggested that Indonesia’s domestic circumstance was central to whether a similar measure in Maluku and Aceh would take place or not. Due to the reformasi (political reform) in Indonesia within which the independence of East Timor took place, two main changes within Indonesian politics, namely the growing sentiment of anti-international intervention and the continuing democratization process, helped to ensure that humanitarian intervention in the two other regions did not happen. / These two conditions were fortified by the increasingly consolidated democratic politics which brought the communal conflict in Maluku to the Malino Peace Agreement. The emergence of a stronger and democratic government in Indonesia, furthermore, made cooperation with the international community possible in seeking a peaceful resolution to the armed conflict in Aceh. By involving the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) agreed to the Helsinki peace agreement and accepted the role of the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) to secure its implementation. Thus, a strong democratic government made an international military intervention for humanitarian purposes unnecessary.

In 1975 Indonesian forces invaded Dili, the capital of East Timor. The invasion and ensuing occupation forced thousands of East Timorese to leave their homes and seek refuge in Australia and other countries. This study considers the situation of a particular group of East Timorese refugees: those who fled to Australia during the 1990s and who were children or young adolescents at the time of their flight. Founded upon an understanding of social identity as being constantly transformed though a dialectic relation between the individual and his or her sociocultural surroundings, this dissertation considers the consequences of refugee experiences on individual identity and belonging, as well as the processes of conceptualising self and negotiating identity within changing social and cultural structures. The relationship between conflict and flight, resettlement, acculturation, identity and attachment is explored, and particular attention is given to issues of socialisation and categorisation, age and agency, hybridity, and ambiguity. Through a qualitative anthropological methodology informed by theories of cultural identity, adolescence and cross-cultural socialisation, the thesis seeks to shed light on the various dynamics that have influenced the young East Timorese people’s identity and sense of belonging, and considers the impact of acculturation and socialisation into a new culture at a critical period of the young people’s lives. / Masters Thesis

This thesis presents a study of John Howard’s leadership of Australian foreign policy from 1996 to 2003. It documents and examines the way in which John Howard, Australia’s national leader, managed the complex challenges presented by two major events in Australian foreign policy: the East Timor crisis and the war against Iraq. Because it is the national leader who speaks for the nation, the manner in which the Prime Minister articulates and communicates the country’s foreign policy is vitally important, both domestically and internationally. Two theoretical concepts—constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy—are proposed and developed in this thesis to explore and analyse how national leaders, situated at the nexus of domestic and foreign concerns, manage the distinctive challenges presented to them in this position. They also assist in understanding and explaining John Howard’s particular approach to these two major foreign policy issues. This study demonstrates that both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy are useful descriptive and normative tools for examining ways in which national leaders communicate and implement their foreign policies in the increasingly interconnected political landscape. By tracing and documenting the trajectory of Howard’s foreign policy, this study finds that his skill and confidence in the area of foreign policy, and his command and control of the foreign policy process, all increased over time. The evidence also suggests that he developed a greater awareness of the need to employ both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. However, as this study shows, his absolute commitment to the ANZUS alliance saw him relinquish the responsibility to employ them in the case of Iraq. This study draws on exisiting knowledge in the areas of leadership, political science and international relations as a basis for testing the proposed concepts of constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. It then explores the wider application of these approaches for leaders striving to balance domestic and international concerns and considers their importance for the security and stability of the international system.

In this thesis I investigate the process of international negotiation to resolve a serious dispute between Australia and East Timor over offshore oil and gas, which arose after East Timor’s transition to independence in 1999. The central aim is to uncover and analyse the dynamics of the negotiations, and to explain how outcomes were determined. The question of negotiated outcomes is of special significance given the extent to which East Timor was able to move Australia beyond its preferred outcome. In this case, the seemingly weaker party was able to overcome a more powerful bargaining opponent. My aim in writing this thesis is to explain why that was possible and how it was achieved.

This thesis explores the institutional choices available to Timor-Leste to manage their natural resource wealth wisely and avoid the resource curse. Timor-Leste is a poor country and its challenge is to use its large per capita resource wealth to alleviate poverty and enable sustainable development. This research examines the Petroleum Fund Law, and other mechanisms to manage petroleum revenue that the Government of Timor-Leste has established. These mechanisms appear to be resilient, but remain untested. Based on field interviews in Timor-Leste, the study offers insights into the opinions of East Timorese and foreign advisers about how Timor-Leste´s petroleum revenue should be managed, and how a poor country can raise the living standards of its people.¶A framework that identifies human and social capital as essential to the quality of institutions is developed in this research, which proposes that the pre-condition of institutions affects the management of natural resource revenue. As a result of history (not its natural resource wealth) Timor-Leste´s productive institutions are weak and destructive institutions, such as corruption, are strong. The preferences of the research participants, identified using semi-structured interviews and multi-criteria decision analysis, revealed that what petroleum revenue is spent on is the most important petroleum revenue management decision. Further, health and education were regarded the highest spending priorities. Petroleum revenue management decisions that may affect Timor-Leste´s economic, social and political independence were also important to participants.¶Timor-Leste´s sustainable development depends on continued assistance in the form of foreign advisers to address its lack of human capital. A commitment to transparency should counteract the lack of trust between government and civil society. Timor-Leste will also need to invest more in people, and recognise that the wise management of its petroleum revenue depends as much on good governance as the mechanisms designed to manage it. The people of Timor-Leste´s fierce determination to overcome the challenges they face, against all odds, may help Timor-Leste to avoid the resource curse.¶