Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2002. / Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 208-213).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2002. / Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 208-213).

xiv, 116 p. / This study presents the development and validation of a measure of counseling competency with refugee torture survivors. The Refugee Torture Counseling Competency Assessment (REFTOR) measure was adapted from the Multicultural Awareness Knowledge and Skills Survey - Counselor Edition (MAKSS-CE-R; Kim et al., 2003) and was theoretically developed based on the limited literature available on refugee torture survivors. The 37-item REFTOR measure was administered to a sample of 179 psychologists and trainees in clinical and counseling psychology who were actively engaged in clinical work. Results of an exploratory principal axis factor analysis with oblimin (oblique) rotation revealed a two-factor structure for the measure with 37 total items and that explained 43.64% of the total variance. The first factor included 29 items and was labeled "Efficacy," accounting for 38.90% of the variance, and the second factor included 8 items and was labeled "Awareness," accounting for 4.74% of the variance. Evidence of concurrent validity was supported by factor correlations with other scales and items, and internal consistencies for the subscales and the full scale were acceptable. Information regarding current training experiences relevant to clinical work with refugee torture survivors and attitudes towards torture among study participants was also assessed. Results revealed that training experiences are limited, with the majority of information participants received relevant to working with refugee torture survivors coming from non-empirical articles (67% of participants). Attitudes towards torture varied considerably with a sizable proportion of participants endorsing torture in some circumstances (32.4%) and reporting uncertainty about the morality of psychologists' professional involvement in torture (12.3%). Recommendations for future research and implications of study findings for training are discussed. / Committee in charge: Krista Chronister, Co-Chair; Benedict McWhirter, Co-Chair; Paul Yovanoff, Member; Jennifer Freyd, Outside Member

This thesis takes the form of an enquiry into the development of the ―generic contours (Bakhtin 4) for the narration of torture in South Africa during apartheid and its aftermath. The enquiry focusses on the ethical determinations that underlie the conventions of this genre. My theoretical framework uses Adam Zachary Newton‘s conceptualization of narrative ethics to supplement Paul Ricoeur‘s writings on narrative identity and the ethical intention, thus facilitating the transfer of Ricoeur‘s abstract philosophy to the realm of literary criticism. Part I presents torture as a disruption of narrative identity and a defamiliarization of the intersubjective encounter. The existence of torture narratives thus attests to the critical role of narration in the reconstruction of the tortured person‘s identity and the re-establishment of benign frameworks of intersubjective communication. Literature‘s potential to act as a laboratory for the testing of the limitations of narrative identity and the resilience of ethical mores suggests that the fictional representation of torture also has an important role to play in this attempt at rehabilitation. Part II takes the form of a comparative analysis of non-fictional and fictional accounts of torture originating from apartheid South Africa. This shows that the ethical determinations underlying the narration of torture in South Africa range from intersubjective estrangement to a ―solicitude of reciprocity (Bourgeois 109). However, because the majority of these texts used the presentation of human rights abuses to galvanize international opposition to apartheid, the scope for experimentation was limited by the political exigencies of the time. Part III examines the stylistic and generic shifts in the narration of torture that accompanied South Africa‘s transition to democracy. It suggests that the discursive dominance of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission replaced the fruitful—in literary terms—dialogue between authoritarianism and resistance that characterized the apartheid era with a monologic grand narrative of emotional catharsis, reconciliation and nation building. It also suggests that the ―truth-and-reconciliation genre of writing (Quayson 754) that shaped the literary milieu of the post-TRC period be seen in terms of a resurgence of the apartheid–era paradigms for the narration of human rights abuses that were repressed during the initial phase of democratic transition. By framing the TRC as a catalyst for individual journeys of self-discovery, these novels raise important questions about what it means to be a part of the ―new South Africa. In contrast to the majority of apartheid era literature, the novels of the post-TRC period privilege the literary prerogative over the political, and thus bring to fruition the experimental potential of the previous paradigm. In doing so, they not only go beyond solicitude to achieve an ―authentic reciprocity in exchange (Ricoeur, Oneself 191), but also initiate a process of long-awaited literary expansion, in which authors look beyond the limits of apartheid and begin to critically engage with the region‘s pre-apartheid history and its post-apartheid present.

"Torture continues to feature as a serious human rights violation in Africa. This explains why, during its 32nd ordinary session held in Banjul, The Gambia, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the African Commission) resolved to adopt the Guidelines and Measures for the Prohibition and Prevention of Torture, Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in Africa (The Robben Island Guidelines (RIG)). This is a new development in Africa aiming at operationalisng article 5 of the African Charter. The RIG are phrased in a seemingly ambitious language, but their implementation by the African states remains doubtful because they are not legally binding. This has to be viewed in the light of the fact that many African countries are states parties to major regional and international human rights instruments, but human rights violations still persist. ... Chapter I has covered the proposal which includes the background to the study, research question, research methodology, limitation of the study, definition of torture, torture as jus cogens, literature review, and the division of chapters. Chapter II covers a synopsis of the international instruments and mechanisms to combat torture. Chapter III deals with the European and American systems' approach to combating torture. Chapter IV covers the African human rights system and torture, and finally, chapter V includes the general conclusion and recommendations. A draft of the recommended African Charter on the Prevention of Torture which has been drafted after looking at international, the European and Inter-American conventions on torture, has been attached as the main recommendation." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Julia Sloth-Nielsen at the Faculty of Law of the University of the Western Cape, Republic of South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Pour les sociétés démocratiques, le terrorisme représente une menace exceptionnelle. Exceptionnelle, d’abord, parce qu’un Etat n’est pas face à une menace traditionnelle telle qu’une déclaration de guerre adressée par un autre Etat. Exceptionnelle ensuite parce parfois – souvent dans le cadre du terrorisme basque –, elle implique ses propres citoyens. Exceptionnelle, enfin, parce que pour aussi extraordinaire que soit cette menace, les éléments précédents imposent à la Démocratie de se protéger avec les armes mises en place dans des circonstances ordinaires, par des procédures ordinaires, contre des menaces ordinaires. Il s’agit ici de la contradiction fondamentale qui apparaît à l’étude des appareils mis en place par des Etats démocratiques afin de se protéger contre le terrorisme.Dans cette perspective, l’étude du cas basque présente des singularités appelant à s’interroger sur les effets du terrorisme sur la construction de la démocratie. La lutte contre le terrorisme basque est en effet née dans le cadre d’un Etat dictatorial qui n’a pas hésité à user de tous les moyens contre cet ennemi. Elle s’est poursuivie alors que l’Etat Espagnol opérait une transition vers la Démocratie, et a perduré au-delà, alors que nombre d’indicateurs tendent à valider le caractère démocratique de son nouveau régime. La question qui se pose alors est de savoir dans quelle mesure la permanence d’une lutte contre un ennemi sur lequel les changements de régime n’ont eu que peu de prise a influencé la perception de cet opposant et les moyens internes et de coopération interétatique mis en œuvre pour lui faire face. / For democratic societies, terrorism represents an exceptional threat. Exceptional, firstly, because the State does not face a traditional threat such as a war declaration sent by another State. Exceptional, secondly, because sometimes – often regarding Basque terrorism – it involves its own citizens. Exceptional, eventually, because although it is an extraordinary threat, the previous elements call Democracy to protect itself with the weapons set up under ordinary circumstances, through ordinary processes, against ordinary threats. It is a genuine contradiction in the study of the apparatus set up by Democracy in order to get protected from terrorism.In this perspective, the study of the Basque case presents specificities that lead to question terrorism’s effects on the construction of Democracy. The fight against Basque terrorism was born in the framework of a dictatorial regime, which did not hesitate to use any means against this enemy. It continued, while the Spanish State was operating a transition towards democracy, and kept on going while many indicators appeared to confirm the democratic nature of the new regime. A question arises: to which extent the permanency of a fight against an enemy insensitive to the regime changes influenced the perception of this opponent, but also the internal means and those developed through international cooperation to face it.

xi, 246 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This dissertation focuses on Latin American survivors of political violence and the staff members involved with one of the few torture treatment centers in the US. Relying primarily on life histories and semi-structured interviews, my research focuses on the social construction of suffering (Kleinman et al. 1997) created by the staff and participants over the course of three different eras of the center. While the clients of this center lead lives that are tremendously impacted by the violent histories of their home countries, they do so while living in a country where this history is almost completely invisible. As exiles, they are removed from the arena of collective memory reflected in debates in postwar transitional Latin American societies about the meaning of the past, the reasons for their suffering, and the need for historical truth. Consequently, I examine the torture treatment center as one arena where this history and the suffering of survivors is acknowledged. As such, I argue that the staff serves as a critical social network--indeed, perhaps the only one--that influences the individual interpretations, narratives, and actions of survivors about the meaning of trauma, the importance of the past, and how one best heals from violence. First, I illustrate how the biographies of staff shape their involvement with the center and the meaning the center has for them, which, in turn, leads to both the promise and predicaments of their work for social change. Second, this research illustrates the diverse forms that trauma can take and argues for a connection among structural, transitional, and political violence. Third, I explore how the meaning attributed to trauma and the past shapes notions held by the center's staff and participants regarding how one best heals from trauma. Throughout the exploration of these themes, my work identifies the presence of certain discourses and the absence of others--the frictions and fragments occurring in engagements between social service networks and those they serve (Tsing 2005)--that reflect the possibilities for and limitations of individual healing and collective change and that make this center a "fragile community." / Advisers: Dr. Lynn Stephen, Co-Chair; Dr. Philip Young, Co-Chair

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation’s primary focus is why torture is used when torture is not an effective means of gathering intelligence. To answer this question the argument for the use of torture, commonly known as the ticking time bomb argument, is discussed. Due to psychological and physiological processes during torture interrogation it was found that torture cannot be relied upon to deliver truthful information. Torture was also found to adversely affect the institutions that are needed for its establishment. After torture has been found to be of no utility in terms of the appropriation of information the question of why torture is still used is answered by means of discussing societal dynamics as well as the political process surrounding torture. On the societal front it was found that American public opinion towards torture is ambivalent. The reason for this includes a host of socio-psychological factors such as the in-group out-group bias as well the War on Terror as a political ideology in its own right. The notion that anybody is likely to torture is also explored by means of discussing the Milgram’s Obedience Experiment as well as the Stanford Prison Experiment. On the political front the notion that the abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay were the work of a few bad apples is dispelled since it formed part of a deliberative political process that tried to make torture a legitimate foreign policy measure. The reason for the existence of this process is the failure of international and domestic checks and balances. On the international front U.S. unilateralism as foreign policy principle is cited as the reason for the ineffectiveness of international measures to stop torture. On the domestic front the permanent rally around the flag effect due to the permanent state of mobilization in the War on Terror is cited as the reason for the failure of domestic checks and balances. The lessons learnt from the research enables the creation of measures on how to stop torture even when it is found that the necessary political will is not present within the Obama administration. In the absence of political will it must be manufactured by means of the actions of civil society, the free press and the international community. It was found that the most effective means would be the creation of a committee of inquiry to create the political memory of the use of torture and how it was established. Additionally a memorial must be erected as well seeing that inquiries create political memories but they do not sustain it. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis se fokus is om na te vors waarom marteling gebruik word as dit nie ‘n effektiewe wyse is om inligting in te win nie. Om hierdie vraagstuk te beantwoord word die argument vir die gebruik van marteling naamlik die tikkende-tydbom-argument bespreek. Asgevolg van sielkundige en fisiologiese prosesse tydens ondervragings wat gebruik maak van marteling kan daar nie op marteling staatgemaak word om die waarheid op te lewer nie. Dit was ook bevind dat marteling die instansies, wat nodig is vir die gebruik daarvan, op ‘n negatiewe wyse beïnvloed. Nadat daar vasgestel is dat marteling geen nutswaarde aangaande die inwinning van informasie bied nie word die vraagstuk waarom marteling steeds gebruik word beantwoord. Op die samelewingsvlak kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse samelewing onseker is oor of marteling gebruik moet word al dan nie. Verskeie redes vir hierdie opinie word aangevoer waarvan die in-group out-group bias en die Oorlog teen Terreur as politieke ideologie slegs twee daarvan uitmaak. Dat enige persoon in staat is tot marteling onder die regte stel omstandighede word ook bespreek na aanleiding van die Milgram’s Obedience Experiement en die Stanford Prison Experiment. Op die politiese vlak is daar vasgestel dat die menseregteskendings in Abu Ghraib en Guantanamo Bay nie die werk was van slegs `n paar indiwidue was nie, maar deel uitmaak van ‘n doelbewuste politiese proses wat marteling as ‘n legitieme buitelandse beleidskwessie wil afmaak. Die rede waarom die beleidsproses bestaan kan toegeskryf word aan die mislukking van inter- en intranasionale wigte en teenwigte. Op die internasionale vlak kan daar gestel word dat die Verenigde State se unilateralistiese modus operandi die rede is vir die mislukking van internasionale maatreëls teen marteling. Op die intranasionale front kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse publiek verkeer in ‘n permanent rally around the flagtoestand asgevolg van die permanent mobilisasie in die Oorlog teen Terreur. Uit die lesse wat geleer is uit die navorsing kan daadwerklike stappe gedoen word om die gebruik van marteling stop te sit alhoewel die Obama-administrasie se politiese wil ontbreek. Met die tekort aan politiese wil moet die politiese wil geskep word deur die burgerlik samelewing, the vrye pers asook die internasionale gemeenskap. Daar was gevind dat die mees effektiewe wyse om marteling stop te sit sal deurmiddel van ‘n kommissie van ondersoek wees. Die kommissie se doel sal wees om te bepaal hoe marteling tot stand gekom het en ‘n politiese herinnering te skep. Daar moet ook ‘n bykomende maatreël wees, naamlik die oprigting van ‘n monument aangesien kommissies van ondersoek politiese herinneringe skep maar nie in stand hou nie.

This dissertation examines the ways in which torture was imagined and narrated in Guatemalan literature during the Internal Armed Conflict. For nearly four decades, Guatemala suffered one of the longest and most violent wars in Latin America. During that time, it is estimated that more than 100,000 people were tortured at the hands of the Guatemalan military. Torture, as suggested by Ariel Dorman, is most fundamentally “a crime committed against the imagination” (8), disrupting and often dissolving the boundaries between fact and fiction, the real and the unreal. The Introduction and Chapter One of this study explore the destabilization of this boundary by examining the historical and theoretical context for torture in Guatemala. The ubiquity and normality of torture was so terrible that, for many, it became “unspeakable”—an atrocity that defied language. Chapters Two through Four study three different literary modes of countering the state’s rhetoric of torture, probing the possibility of narrating torture despite its seemingly unsayable nature. Examining works by Rigoberta Menchú (chapter two), Marco Antonio Flores and Arturo Arias (chapter three), and Rodrigo Rey Rosa (chapter four), and aided by current theories and studies of torture, this dissertation investigates the ways in which these Guatemalan authors have sought not only to re-present torture, but also to explore and sometimes question the possibility of bearing witness to that torture in literature.

This thesis includes ideas and explorations behind my MFA thesis work and the work that that preceded it in late 2010 and early 2011. In it, I use a creative text by Gertrude Stein, in which she reveals ways that writing reveals and creates language and culture, to illustrate similar ideas regarding field recording and appropriation in my art practice. I use this thesis writing to investigate practices and relationships between media and how these practices can encourage an active, participatory, listening and looking. It also contains discussion of the use of popular music in torture, which inspired Rendition(s), and concludes with a detailed look at the construction of Rendition(s).