Trata-se de investigar a atividade da compreensão em Hannah Arendt. Para tanto, assumiremos como horizonte desta pesquisa alguns aspectos do fenômeno totalitário. Nossa hipótese é que a compreensão, ao contrário de outras atividades mentais, está intimamente ligada ao mundo. Além disso, o compreender influencia a atitude dos indivíduos na medida em que os atrela aos acontecimentos. Por conseguinte, compreensão e acontecimento engendram uma nova experiência espaço-temporal, mediante a qual os fatos são desnaturalizados, abrindo-se, assim, à inspeção humana. A abertura operada pela compreensão não é, como poderíamos supor, de todo exterior ao homem. Segundo Arendt, o domínio do mundo e o domínio do pensamento comunicam suas experiências através das metáforas. Analisar o modo como o pensar se manifesta no mundo e como as experiências mundanas são apreendidas pelo pensamento mostrase fundamental para um bom entendimento da atividade da compreensão. / We intend to investigate the activity of understanding in Hannah Arendt. Therefore we will base this research on some aspects of the totalitarian phenomenon. Our hypothesis is that understanding, unlike other mental activities, is closely connected to the world. Furthermore, the activity of understanding influences the attitude of the men as approaches them to the events. Thus, understanding and events create a new space-time experience, by which facts are not naturalized, so the events are open to the human inspection. The opening created by the understanding is not, as we might suppose, external to men. According to Arendt, world and thought spaces communicate their experiences through metaphors. To analyze how the thinking manifests itself in the world and how the mundane experiences are apprehended by thought is crucial to reveal the implications of understanding.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-10-19T12:00:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Julia Dantas Scramim.pdf: 1003855 bytes, checksum: 1100dce0c17c412b2605ac8daee988bf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-19T12:00:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Julia Dantas Scramim.pdf: 1003855 bytes, checksum: 1100dce0c17c412b2605ac8daee988bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-29 / This work intends to present the totalitarianism and the superfluity of man steamed from it, developed by Hannah Arendt, mainly in her work "The Origins of Totalitarianism". It goes through the historical exposition of the events and phenomena prior to totalitarianism: the antisemitism due to the emancipation and Jew’s assimilation by the European society; and the colonial and continental imperialism. The first one, serving European countries in search of new consumer markets, develops ways of domination (racism and bureaucracy) serving to the ideology and to the totalitarian government; the second one deals with the rise of national movements, as well as the unfeasibility of protecting human rights against the nation-state. It also shows the differentiation among the totalitarian government and other ways of tyranny and dictatorship by the treatment given to the totalitarian leader, by the action of his secret police, the government unusual structure, the ideology based on History's and/or Nature' laws, the terror as a guarantee of application of these laws and by the concentration camps as an experiment of man’s total domination. It also deals with the human's superfluity promoted in totalitarianism by the death of the juridical person, of the moral person and destruction of the individuality and by the complete ruin of the human content / Este trabalho pretende fazer uma apresentação do totalitarismo e da superfluidade dos homens dele decorrente, desenvolvida por Hannah Arendt, prioritariamente em sua obra “Origens do totalitarismo”. Percorre a exposição histórica dos eventos e dos fenômenos anteriores ao totalitarismo: o antissemitismo decorrente da emancipação e da assimilação dos judeus pela sociedade europeia; e o imperialismo colonial e continental. O primeiro, a serviço de países europeus em busca de novos mercados consumidores, desenvolve formas de dominação (racismo e burocracia) que servem à ideologia e ao governo totalitário; e o segundo trata da ascensão dos movimentos nacionalistas, bem como a inviabilidade da proteção dos direitos humanos face ao Estado-nação. Mostra, também, a diferenciação entre o governo totalitário e outras formas de tirania e ditadura através do tratamento dado ao líder totalitário, da ação da sua polícia secreta, da estrutura peculiar do governo, da ideologia baseada nas leis da História e/ou da Natureza, do terror como garantia da aplicação dessas leis e dos campos de concentração como experimento do domínio total do homem. Trata, também, da superfluidade humana promovida no totalitarismo pelas mortes da pessoa jurídica, da pessoa moral e destruição da individualidade e pela dilapidação total dos conteúdos humanos

<p>Vonnegut envisions a plutocratic America where the </p><p>aforementioned periphery has been made obsolete, where a corporate </p><p>oligarchy supersedes the presidency in authority. An example of </p><p>this structure is the absent father of the main character Paul </p><p>Proteus, George Proteus, who was before his death the National </p><p>Industrial, Commercial, Communications, Foodstuffs and Resources </p><p>Director, a position which might have been below the presidency at </p><p>that time , but the scales have tilted towards total domination by </p><p>those who fuel the economy, i.e. the corporations. The </p><p>‘unenlightened’ Shah, spiritual leader of Bratpuhr who is visiting </p><p>America to learn about the great American society, shakes his head </p><p>and calls it “Communism” (21), which it is, with the exception that </p><p>there is no Communist Party. In its place is the oligarchy of the </p><p>corporations which the government allows to prevent inefficiency.</p><p> I argue that the hegemonic masculinity, or the masculinity of the </p><p>patriarchy, provides both motivation and justification for the men </p><p>who are constructing the totalitarian state of Player Piano. I will </p><p>furthermore look at the effects, on both society and the </p><p>individual, of a hegemonic masculinity.</p>

Vonseiten Nordkoreas wurde der Tod Kim Jong-ils am 17. Dezember 2011 mitgeteilt. Kim Jong-il war der Zweite der Familie, der Nordkorea regierte, nach seinem Vater Kim Il-sung. Die fortfolgende Herrschaft der leiblichen Söhne gibt dem Ganzen eine archaisch traditionale Komponente. Das Erstaunliche ist, warum dies trotz allem auch im 21. Jahrhundert zu funktionieren scheint.

Vonnegut envisions a plutocratic America where the aforementioned periphery has been made obsolete, where a corporate oligarchy supersedes the presidency in authority. An example of this structure is the absent father of the main character Paul Proteus, George Proteus, who was before his death the National Industrial, Commercial, Communications, Foodstuffs and Resources Director, a position which might have been below the presidency at that time , but the scales have tilted towards total domination by those who fuel the economy, i.e. the corporations. The ‘unenlightened’ Shah, spiritual leader of Bratpuhr who is visiting America to learn about the great American society, shakes his head and calls it “Communism” (21), which it is, with the exception that there is no Communist Party. In its place is the oligarchy of the corporations which the government allows to prevent inefficiency. I argue that the hegemonic masculinity, or the masculinity of the patriarchy, provides both motivation and justification for the men who are constructing the totalitarian state of Player Piano. I will furthermore look at the effects, on both society and the individual, of a hegemonic masculinity.

In Cold War North America, liberal intellectuals constructed the Canadian and American national identities in contrast to totalitarianism. Theorists of totalitarianism described Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union as monolithic societies marked by absolutism and intolerance toward societal differences. In response, many intellectuals imagined Canada and the United States as pluralistic nations that valued diversity. The ways in which Canadians and Americans imagined their respective national identities also varied with epistemological trends that were based on the ideas of totalitarianism and its correlate, anti-totalitarianism. These trends emphasized particularity and diversity. Using archival sources, interviews with policy-makers, and analysis of key texts, Multicultural Cold War outlines the history of theories of totalitarianism, related trends in epistemology, the genealogy of the social sciences, and the works of Canadian and American proponents of cultural pluralism and multiculturalism. It centers attention on Canada and the United States where the unreflective ideology of anti-totalitarianism was widespread and the postwar enthusiasm for ethnicity and cultural pluralism became especially pronounced. In the U.S.A. this enthusiasm found expression among public intellectuals who defined cultural pluralism in their scholarship and social criticism. In Canada, discourses of multiculturalism originated in the hearings of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism and the political thought of Pierre Elliot Trudeau. This dissertation shows that enthusiasm for sub-national group particularity, pluralism, and diversity was a transnational North American trend. / Dissertation

This thesis analysis George Orwell&rsquo / s three novels / Burmese Days, Keep the Aspidistra Flying and Nineteen Eighty-Four in terms of the main political ideas expressed through these works. It begins with an overview of Orwell as a political writer and the political atmosphere of the era. The thesis then asserts that the novels are used as a form of propaganda by the writer. The central political ideas that appear in the novels are imperialism in Burmese Days, capitalism in Keep the Aspidistra Flying and totalitarianism in Nineteen Eighty-Four. This dissertation is therefore primarily organized around these topics, and Orwell&rsquo / s use of his novels as a way of conveying his political message will be illustrated and exemplified in the study.

The Bund deutscher Madel (BdM), a Nazi youth organization for girls, was sponsored, organized, and promoted by Adolf Hitler's National Socialist Party. The BdM instilled values and beliefs of National Socialism in German girls, and encouraged attitudes and behavior in them that harmonized with Party views on womanhood. Political indoctrination for girls often came through music---especially song. Musical repertoire of the BdM strongly interconnects with the organization's development, internal structure and political philosophies. / My thesis analyses the relations between music, the BdM, National Socialism, and gender. Historical perspectives are documented to clarify the function and intention of the BdM, including its politics and philosophy, its activities designed to foster 'natural' gender roles, and its emerging supremacy over other right-wing youth movements in Nazi Germany. My thesis then examines conceptions of 'natural' gender roles for girls and women in Nazi society and how these role expectations are covertly and overtly embedded in the official music book of the BdM, entitled Wir Madel singen! To illustrate this relationship between music, politics, and gender expectations, ten songs from Wir Madel singen! are analyzed in detail.

Šiame darbe, pasitelkus hermeutinę įžvalgą ir atidųjį skaitymą, stengiamasi atskleisti A. Miškinio poziciją aptariant jo kolaboravimą ar pasipriešinimą sovietinės okupacijos metais. Analizuojant poeto kūrybą istoriniame – kultūriniame kontekste, prieita prie išvados, kad A. Miškinio kūriniai, atspindintys istoriją ir atskleidžiantys autoriaus vidinius išgyvenimus, derinant istorinį objektyvumą ir individualias patirtis, yra verti dėmesio ir reikalauja istorinio suvokimo, vertinant autoriaus poziciją. / The basic aim of this work is to identify a position of A. Miškinis regarding his collaboration or resistance in the time of Soviet occupation. It is done with the help of hermeneutic insight and attentive reading. Analysis of poet‘s works in istorical – cultural context enables to draw a conclusion that these works of A. Miškinis which reflect history and reveal intimate emotions, tie in a historical objectivity and personal experiences are worth attention and demand historical perception in evaluation of author‘s position.

The central argument advanced in this dissertation is that the production of totalitarian space relies on the systematic destruction of spatial aura. I begin by critically studying the term “totalitarian” with references to Hannah Arendt and Robert Conquest, and re-appropriating it based on relevant insights from Herbert Marcuse, Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, Georg Lukács, and Slavoj Žižek. In the meantime, I introduce the Baath state in Syria and Iraq as an example of totalitarianism, and present a concise account of its ideological history. Here I also shed light on important aspects of Critical Theory, which will have a recurring role throughout the project. I then discuss spatial production by critically explicating Henri Lefebvre’s dialectical theory of the production of space, which claims that space is produced according to the dominant modes of production. However, despite its critical significance to my project, Lefebvre’s theory alone cannot account for totalitarian space. Therefore, after pausing on Lefebvre’s concepts of appropriated versus dominated spaces, I move to Michel Foucault’s work on the Panopticon as a major spatial technology of power and a generalizable formula in societies of control and discipline. I also introduce Foucault’s heterotopia and Gaston Bachelard’s poetic space as counter examples to totalitarian space. Indeed, I argue that Lefebvre’s appropriated space, Foucault’s heterotopia, and Bachelard’s poetic space all have something in common. Aura, with its inherent negativity, is precisely the concept to indicate such spatial uniqueness, the systematic elimination of which is definitive of totalitarian space. In addition to critically exploring Walter Benjamin’s definitions of aura and developing his secularized notion of it, I also focus on his claim that mechanically reproduced works of art lack aura. This then brings me to the last stage of my project where I argue that mechanically reproduced images are not just auraless; they also destroy the aura of space. Finally, by way of illustration, I turn back to the example of the Baath state and analyze the use of mechanically reproduced images of the leader as destroyers of spatial aura and thus crucial components of the production of totalitarian space.