China and Turkey, located in eastern and western Eurasian continent repectively, took place joint air force exercise in September, 2010. This is the first time for China to hold joint air force exercise with the members of NATO. It seemed like a sign of intensive foreign relations between China and Turkey, and it led to the great concerns and dissatisfactions with United State. During Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao¡¦s official visit to Turkey on October 8th, China and Turkey issued a joint declaration on the establishment and development of a strategic relationship of cooperation, further upgrading the level of bilateral relations. It is important to find out the developments and changes of Chinese-Turkish relations. Chinese-Turkish relations have gone through the Cold War and the Post-Cold War eras. In the Post-Cold War era, the shape of international system changed into the ¡§One Super Power with Multiple Powers¡¨ which differs from the ¡§ Bipolar System¡¨ in the Cold War era, which has a profound impact on the development of international relations. This thesis, based on the theory of Neo-realism, focuses on the development of bilateral relations between China and Turkey, especially the interactions between politics and economics, under the change of international system and constraint of international structure. The bilateral relations feature the following attributes. Politically, even though there are ¡§Eastern Turkistan¡¨ questions between China and Turkey, the bilateral political relations have been strengthened since Cold war era from being hostile to each other to establish and develop relationships of the strategic cooperation. Economically, China and Turkey are involved in serious trade deficit problems and competitions.

Disputes and confrontational rhetoric have characterized Greek-Turkish relations in recent years. In February 2023 a high magnitude earthquake hit Türkiye  with devastating consequences. Greece’s response was immediate and substantial despite the political enmity between the two countries, which revealed a willingness to cooperate in times of crisis. This cooperation was in fact expedited by the disaster which is why it accounts for a disaster diplomacy case.   This paper aims to test the theoretical proposition that disaster-related activities “have the possibility of catalyzing diplomatic action” (Kelman, 2012:14). This case study examines the dynamics of the two countries on three different levels before the earthquake and the ways in which disaster diplomacy has catalyzed their relations. By building on Kenneth Waltz’s well-established, three-images framework of analysis (1959), both countries have been investigated concerning their decision makers, the internal structure of the two states, as well as their international presence.   By analyzing the three images of Greece and Türkiye  it is evident that the earthquake has in fact stimulated the relations of the two countries in all three levels. The sense of urgency generated by the earthquake has created a window of opportunity for dialogue. The confrontational so far situation was abruptly disturbed by the disaster and an immediate shift in sentiment can be observed. While the findings of this research confirm the theoretical proposition that disaster diplomacy can indeed act as a catalyst for cooperation between the two countries, it also acknowledges the need for further exploration to assess the long-term potential of disaster diplomacy as a conflict resolution tool.

This paper emphasizes a social constructivist theoretical viewpoint when looking to analyze the EEZ dispute in the Eastern Mediterranean between Turkey and Greece. The recent authoritarian shift taken by Turkey, moving away from EU and international law values under the regime of President Erdogan has caused an aggravation of the chronically present tensions with its EU neighbour and NATO ally. The growing chasm away from democracy internally reflected in the waters of the Eastern Mediterranean, especially in light of the recent gas discoveries and elections on both sides, destabilizing the region majorly. Through Discourse Analysis (DA), the EU response to these orally-inflamed Greek-Turkish tensions regarding their overlapping EEZ claims in this specific geopolitical context is examined, taking into account the ideational, identity, and normative factors that are largely at play. In this way, an exploration is made concluding that EU collective identity and its mechanisms are perceiving themselves as threatened, based on the extent and potency of their reaction in terms of political rhetoric and institutional documents delineating the parameters of its collective identity and shaping EU foreign policy so far toward Turkey’s EEZ denial in the Eastern Mediterranean, in the time frame January 2019- February 2023.

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Nous faisons l'hypothèse que l'étude sur le rôle joué par les villes dans la dynamique de rapprochement gréco-turc offre un cadre d'analyse propice à l'étude des dynamiques de types transnationales – aussi bien socio-culturelles, économiques que politiques – et leurs traductions en terme de dynamiques territoriales. Elles permettent de comprendre aussi bien le processus de transnationalisation des territoires sous l'effet de l'internationalisation des villes que le processus de territorialisation du transnational – ou plutôt comment la dynamique transnationale va se traduire spatialement par la création de nouveaux territoires du rapprochement nés de la diplomatie des villes et de son développement. A travers le cas d'étude gréco-turc et les initiatives de rapprochement mises en place entre villes grecques et turques depuis la fin des années 1980, nous essayerons de mettre en évidence dans quelle mesure les dynamiques territoriales créées par cette diplomatie des villes se trouve au croisement d'une nouvelle forme de transnationalisation des territoires à la périphérie de l'Europe mais aussi une forme de résurgence (voire de permanence) d'anciens territoires historiques, qui met à l'épreuve la cohésion territoriale et sociale des territoires nationaux des deux pays. / We hypothesize that research on the role of cities in the dynamics of Greek-Turkish rapprochement process (- either on an economical as well as a socio-cultural or political basic -)provides a framework for enabling analysis to study the transnational process and their translation in terms of territorial dynamics. They allow to understand both the process of transnationalization of territories as a result of the internationalization of cities and also the process of territorial regionalization of transnationality. In other terms, we can see how transnational dynamics will that result from the twons' rapprochment's diplomacy can new territories. Through the case of Greek-Turkish rapprochement and initiatives implemented between Greek and Turkish towns since the late 1980s, we will try to highlight this "town's diplomacy" is at the crossroads of a new form of transnationalization of the territories at the borders of Europe, but how it also expressthe resurgence (or even the permance)of old historical territories, which are challenging social and territorial cohesion of the national territories of the two countries.

La thèse analyse la politique de la France vis-à-vis de l’adhésion de la Turquie à l’Union européenne entre 1995 et 2012 en se concentrant sur l’influence des personnalités des présidents Jacques Chirac et Nicolas Sarkozy sur cette politique. Cette recherche de psychologie politique s’inspire de la théorie sociocognitive de la personnalité d’Albert Bandura. Après des développements appelant à une meilleure prise en compte des décideurs individuels en science politique, la thèse montre que la politique française vis-à-vis de l’adhésion turque se distingue par un processus de décision centralisé autour de la personne du président de la République. Le soutien de la France à l’adhésion turque entre 1995 et 2007, à rebours de l’opinion publique, s’explique par la personnalité de Jacques Chirac : son système de croyance, sa détermination, son indépendance d’esprit. L’élection de Nicolas Sarkozy en 2007 est une rupture dans la position française envers la Turquie. En raison d’un calcul de politique intérieure qui correspond à son système de croyance, le nouveau président prend la décision de ne plus soutenir l’adhésion turque, bien que la France ne mette pas de veto à la poursuite des négociations entre l’UE et la Turquie. Malgré ce compromis initial, Paris et Ankara connaissent une sévère détérioration de leurs relations bilatérales entre 2007 et 2012 en raison de la personnalité de Nicolas Sarkozy. Ce dernier mène une politique de rejet de la Turquie sur plusieurs dossiers (Union pour la Méditerranée, Saison de la Turquie en France, intervention en Libye). Aussi, son tempérament désinhibé irrite les autorités turques. / The thesis analyzes the policy of France towards Turkey’s accession to the European Union between 1995 and 2012 by concentrating on the influence of Presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy’s personalities on this policy. This political psychology research is inspired by Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory of personality. After developments calling for a better consideration of the individual decision-makers in political science, the thesis shows that French policy towards Turkish accession distinguishes itself through a centralized decision-making process around the President of the Republic. The support of France for Turkish accession between 1995 and 2007, against the public opinion, is explained by the personality of Jacques Chirac: his belief system, his determination, and his independence of mind. The election of Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007 is a rupture in the French position towards Turkey. Because of a domestic politics calculation corresponding to his belief system, the new President decides not to support Turkish accession anymore, even though France does not veto the pursuit of negotiations between the European Union and Turkey. In spite of this initial compromise, Paris-Ankara relations are severely damaged between 2007 and 2012, a situation that can be explained by the personality of Nicolas Sarkozy. The latter has a policy of rejection of Turkey on several topics (the Union for the Mediterranean, the Season of Turkey in France, the intervention in Libya). What is more, his uninhibited temperament irritates the Turkish authorities.

This study aims to examine the foreign policy of Azerbaijan toward Turkey in a historical perspective on the one hand and to analyze foreign policy formations during the Abulfaz Elchibey, Heydar Aliyev and Ilham Aliyev periods on the other. The thesis argues that One nation, two states principle does not have a validity in dictating the bilateral relations, instead a realist engagement is being favored by Azerbaijan with an emphasis on national interest. As a result, it is asserted that Azerbaijan&rsquo / s foreign policy remains in a cautious and consistent manner toward Turkey.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis examines the Greek-Turkish ongoing rapprochement. This latest rapprochement effort followed closely two devastating earthquakes that hit Greece and Turkey consequently in 1999. The two nations sent official and private (NGO) relief help, including search and rescue teams, to the areas struck. This study examines whether there are tangible shifts in the policies of the two countries that could sustain the rapprochement, or whether the adjustment is superficial and could collapse as soon as any controversial issue(s) arise between the two nations. It approaches the question with the clarity provided by hindsight, employing three past case studies of similar endeavors of the two countries. By examining the three past cases as well as considering all empirical evidence for the present rapprochement, this thesis concludes that there is tangible evidence of a shift in Greek foreign policy toward Turkey, whereas with respect to Turkish policy, there exist encouraging rhetoric and gestures but no evidence of adequate reciprocity towards Greece on the political level. Finally, the thesis provides policy recommendations for both sides. / Commander, Hellenic Navy