International security, and particularly the threat of terrorist attacks, remains to be one of the most concerning and debated political topics a decade after the September 11th attacks. In particular, the newly elected Obama administration is at a point where they have a chance to reformulate their response to terrorist threats. Traditionally, the US government has resorted to a "hard" style approach of preventive measures and detention of terror suspects. Typically these measures are carried out by the US federal agencies themselves; however the use of civilians in the form of military contractors has become more popular in recent years. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia, an ally of the US has employed a radically different style in dealing with the threat of terrorism in their country. Their rehabilitation programs are part of an entire campaign that chooses a more human-based approach. This research analyzes the effectiveness of the Saudi Arabian program and the US non-governmental approaches to see if there are beneficial methods that can be adopted by the US in their traditional federal methods.

In recent years, the people of Latin America have organized and elected political leaders traditionally excluded from their nation's established political systems. In Venezuela and Bolivia, the shifts to the left may have been the most drastic. This research will look to what extent United States Foreign Policy led to a radical restructuring in the Venezuelan and Bolivian political systems. Additionally the research will examine the effect of America' War on Drugs and other misguided policies that led to a rejection of the old era of American cooperation and in turn an embrace of a new vision. Utilizing the Dependency Theory as a framework and applying the Blowback Theory, the research synthesizes the contemporary history of the two nations and popular opinion of cooperation with the US. Specifically, research will also focus on the effect undemocratic policies have had on fostering an environment of solidarity among people to come together and link their struggles against hegemonic American policies. Cooperation with the US has often led to the adoption of market-centered economic policies that left the two countries in states of severe poverty where the only way for the people to survive was to collectively organize.

The United States military has an enormous presence in American society. Not only is the military currently engaged in two wars, one in Iraq and another in Afghanistan, but it also employs hundreds of thousands of people in work within US borders and overseas. As a function of its size and prominence in American society, it participates in discourse with American society and apart from it. This thesis investigates and describes the US military in terms of two spheres of discourse, an external and internal. Through three case studies-featuring the Patriot missile system, the America's Army video game, and the scandal of prisoner treatment at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq-it will be shown that not only does the military·engage in corresponding public facing and introspective discourse, but that the external and internal discourses can also exert dominance over each other.

The primary focus of this thesis is to investigate the amount and nature of influence that the United States has on the potential future admittance of Turkey, Ukraine and Georgia into the European Union. All three countries have expressed interest in EU membership and are supported by the United States in their effort to join the union. This thesis attempts to shed some light on the means by which the US has attempted to facilitate accession and the reasons for its supportive stance, as well as to predict the effectiveness of its pro-membership advocacy. Four major factors common to all three case studies are used to analyze the issue and provide evidence for the author's hypothesis that US influence on European affairs is declining. In addition to US interests and relating efforts, these factors are: candidate country background situations, the EU's position on potential membership, and Russian influence on EU decision making. In concluding analysis, this thesis explains how a change in US influence over European affairs may affect the overall power relationship between the US, EU and Russia, as the question of EU membership for the cases studied is about much more than simply EU expansion.

Yes / Daily physical activity is vital for the health and development of children. However, many children are inactive. Previous attempts to achieve sustained increases in daily physical activity in children have been ineffective. Join Us: Move Play (JU:MP) is a whole-system, complex, community-based intervention aiming to increase the physical activity levels of children aged 7 to 11 years who live in areas of Bradford, England, which are multicultural and have high levels of deprivation. The purpose of this quasiexperimental controlled trial is to assess whether the JU:MP program increases primary school children's physical activity. The study has a 2-arm, quasiexperimental, nonblinded, nonequivalent group design and will be conducted with primary school children aged 5 to 11 years at 3 timepoints, including baseline (before intervention), 24 months (during intervention), and 36 months (after intervention). Children attending primary schools within the intervention area will be invited to participate. Children attending similar schools within similar neighborhoods based on school and community census demographics (deprivation, free school meals, and ethnicity) outside of the JU:MP geographical area will be invited to participate in the control condition. At each timepoint, consenting participants will wear an accelerometer for 7 consecutive days (24 hours a day) to measure the primary outcome (average daily moderate-to-vigorous physical activity). Multivariable mixed effects linear regression will be applied to estimate differences in the primary outcome between the 2 arms at 24 months and 36 months on an intention-to-treat basis. The secondary outcome analysis will explore changes in socioemotional well-being (teacher reported), quality of life (parental/carer reported), and other contextual factors (parents/carer reported), as well as segments of the day activity, sleep, sedentary screen time, frequency of places to be active, parent practices (nondirective support and autonomy support), social cohesion, and neighborhood walking/exercise environment. Recruitment occurred from July 2021 to March 2022, and baseline data were collected from September 2021 to March 2022. As of March 2022 (end of baseline data collection), a total of 1454 children from 37 schools (17 intervention schools and 20 control schools) have been recruited. The first follow-up data collection will occur from September 2023 to March 2024, and the second and final follow-up data collection will occur from September 2024 to March 2025. Data analysis has not begun, and the final results will be published in December 2025. This article describes the protocol for a quasiexperimental controlled trial examining a novel whole-system intervention. ISRCTN ISRCTN14332797; https://www.isrctn.com/ISRCTN14332797. DERR1-10.2196/43619.

Although several studies have sought to identify the determinants of export diversity and sophistication, few have examined the role of historical events in shaping or reshaping them. In my first chapter I use data on CIA interventions during the Cold War period. I show that such interventions had a negative impact on the range of goods exported by affected countries. I provide evidence that this effect persisted in the long run. In my second chapter, I study the local impact of trade union strength on employment during resource booms. I use unionization and coverage rates along with the presence of state level right to work laws as proxies for weak unions. The empirical strategy limits the sample to resource abundant US counties that share a border across states and utilizes county pair-year fixed effects to compare average responses to oil booms in resource rich counties located in states with weak unions to responses in adjacent resource rich counties in states with relatively strong unions. Results suggest that within a relatively small geographic radius, union strength does not seem to have an impact on the response of employment to booms. There is some evidence to suggest that the results point to the existence of spillover effects where employment in weak union locations is influenced by proximity to strong unions. In my final chapter I exploit variation in resource wealth between English speaking Caribbean nations who take identical exams at the secondary school level. I test the hypothesis that booms alter the incentive for academic excellence in secondary school students. To isolate the impact changing incentives have on academic performance, I control for education expenditure and other demand and supply side factors. Results suggest that booms improve performance mainly for female students.

Eagles Overhead provides a critical history of US Air Force Forward Air Controllers and examines their role, status, and performance in the Air Force's history. It begins by examining the US's initial adoption of air power, and American participation in aerial combat during World War I and traces the FACs' contributions to every US Air Force air campaign from the Marne in 1918 to Mosul in 2017. However, since 2001 FACs' contributions have been sporadic. Eagles Overhead asks why, despite the critical importance of FACs, have they not been heavily used on US battlefields since 2001? It examines the Air Force FAC's theoretical, doctrinal, institutional, and historical frameworks in the first nine chapters to assess if the nature of air warfare has changed so significantly that the concept and utility of the FAC has been left behind. Or, has the FAC been neglected since 2001 because the Air Force dislikes the capability as it clouds the service's doctrinal preferences? From these examinations, Eagles Overhead draws conclusions about the potential future of Air Force FACs.

Through a combination of stringent and deceptive corporate control of sources, as well as an academic blind spot on certain low-brow subcultures, there has been a lack of serious study of the various regional professional wrestling traditions that crossed the United States until the end of the 1980s. An in-depth examination of a wide range of books, newsletters, and interviews shows a rich history with a deep economic, social, and creative diversity that has been largely ignored as the industry has moved towards monopolization under Vincent Kennedy McMahon. The various regions are divided into three groups: those that closed on their own, those that fell in competition with McMahon, and those that survived into the era of national corporate pro wrestling. This organization challenges the narrative that regional pro wrestling came to an end solely due to the business power of McMahon. The first group looks at Northern California, Southern California, Georgia, and North Texas. The second group examines the independent wrestling companies Mid-South Wrestling and the American Wrestling Association, and their attempts to compete with McMahon on a national level. The group also explores how the intense local fan bases in Portland and Memphis buoyed the local pro wrestling promotions for a time from outside competition from McMahon. The third group contains Jim Crockett Productions and the World Wide Wrestling Federation. These two organizations eventually became the two major corporate wrestling entities World Championship Wrestling and the World Wrestling Federation, respectively. A glossary of terms is included.

印度為近代新興崛起的國家，在政治、經濟、資訊、科技與軍事上均有顯著的進步，其綜合國力的提升已不容忽視。尤其在經濟上的發展速度，更令世界各國所矚目，而現今世界公認的「金磚四國」中，印度則列居名單之內，其涵意代表著在未來國際權力地位追逐的過程當中，具有更深厚的競爭潛力。就地緣戰略的觀點而言，印度位於麻六甲海峽至波斯灣之間的交通樞紐，為非洲與中東地區能源及貿易物資輸往西太平洋的必經路線，而能源線的暢通與否，均牽動著東、南亞地區的經濟命脈。 冷戰結束後，兩極對抗的國際格局不再，印度新一代戰略菁英份子認為，印度應採取「以武力取代外交功能」的戰略觀。由於印、巴衝突所帶來的不安全感，及中共的核武構成的威脅，使得印度方面必須藉由核武發展與整建軍力，來化解印度所面臨的威脅，卻也引了發核武競賽問題。1947年印度獨立後美國並未重視，僅視印度是一個阻止共產主義擴散的國家。當印度躋身進入核武國家行列之後，便開始發崛印度在南亞地緣戰略的重要性，正因為印度國力逐漸提升，使得美、印兩國建立「邁向21世紀戰略夥伴」關係，來面對中國「和平崛起」的所帶來的挑戰。 1979年12月24日蘇聯入侵阿富汗後，卡特政府體認到印度戰略地位的重要性，視印度為防堵蘇聯共產勢力擴散的國家，於1980年再度恢復美、印核能合作計畫，提供有關核反應爐所需原料，藉此拉攏印度成為美國反共產主義的盟友。冷戰結束後，柯林頓政府提出了「交往與擴大的國家安全戰略」，強調「安全、經濟、民主」是美國外交政策的三大支柱，因而開始拓展與印度的合作範圍，加強經貿與軍事合作，以符合美國國家利益目標。 小布希總統上台，將中共定位為「戰略競爭者」的角色，視中國「和平崛起」對美國的威脅。「911」恐佈攻擊事件，美國雖與中共在反恐任務上共同合作，但仍不失其對中國的戒心，因此與印度共同結合成為「邁向21世紀的戰略夥伴」關係，以防止中國「和平崛起」對美國霸權地位的挑戰。 中國「和平崛起」強調努力發展和壯大自己，維護世界和平，堅持開放與平等互利原則，與各國發展經貿，強調現在與未來不稱霸。美印戰略合作，將使得中共在海洋戰略發展受限，同時更影響了中、印兩國的經貿發展。中國為了防止美、印戰略關係所形成的衝擊，必須展現其大國外交作風，穩固與印度經貿上的合作，深化與歐盟實質關係，運用「上海合作組織」來強化其在區域大國的地位，以防範美國對其所實施的新圍堵策略。 / India, one of emerging countries in recent years, has had great progress in politics, economics, information, technology and military. India’s current social status and economic strength has drawn everyone’s attention, especially in BRICs, it plays an important part. In terms of its geo-strategic prospects, India, locating between Strait of Malacca and Persia Gulf, is an essential commercial access. After the Cold War, the new-generation elites think India should take the strategy of replacing democratic function with power. Because of the fear resulting from the India-Pakistan conflicts and the threat of nuclear power in China Communist, India must rebuild its military forces by developing nuclear power so that some threat to the national defense will be released. The problem about nuclear competition is getting worse. As a result, America and India start to set up “the relationships of strategic partnership toward 21st century” to face the challenge coming from “Peaceful Rise” in China. After Soviet invaded Afghanistan in December 24, 1979, the Cater Administration, realizing the importance of India’s strategic status, regarded India as a defense stopping the communist from spreading and regained the nuclear cooperation plan between America and India to make India a member of the alliance of anti-china communist. After the Cold War, the Clinton Administration addressed the strategy of “enlargement and engagement”, emphasizing that safety, economics and democracy are three main parts in diplomatic policy in U.S.A. America started to cooperate with India in commerce and military to meet their own national interest. George, W. Bush considered China a “strategic competitor” and regarded “Peaceful Rise” as a threat to America. After 911 terror attack. America made efforts to establish the relationship of “strategic partnership toward 21st century” with India and prevent China’s “Peaceful Rise” from challenging America’s powerful status. America and India’s cooperation restricts the development of China’s ocean strategy and influences the development of economics and commerce between China and India. Therefore, China tries hard to make use of “Shanghai Cooperation Organization” to reinforce its status and guard against America’s “Geopolitics”.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / American military relations with the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) have been in a constant state of flux since their rocky beginnings during the Second World War. Since the Tiananmen Square incident of June 1989, efforts to reestablish a positive working relationship between the U.S. Department of Defense and the PLA have been restrained by domestic political pressures within both polities and a number of crises which increased political tensions between both nations' governments. Due to reactive policies implemented by both governments, engagement programs between the United States and PRC have yielded few tangible benefits to either side in the past fifteen years. This thesis addresses the history of U.S. military engagement with the PRC and discusses past American policies of "containment" and "engagement" of China. Case studies concerning American engagement with Taiwan and Thailand reveal the benefits of close links with partners in Asia and provide programs for possible emulation in the U.S.-PRC relationship. Through managed engagement programs such as systematic security summits, educational exchanges and partnership operations initiatives, a stable defense dialogue between American and Chinese militaries can yield significant results in reducing tensions between their two governments and averting future crises through improved communication and cooperation. / Major (Select), United States Air Force