O presente trabalho tem como objetivo investigar e registrar a participação de brasileiros nas Forças Armadas dos EUA desde a Guerra do Vietnã até o presente momento. O fenômeno do alistamento militar de estrangeiros nas forças de batalha estadunidenses remonta aos tempos da Guerra de Secessão e compõe parte importante da história de diversas comunidades imigrantes no país. Desde a Guerra do Vietnã, há relatos de brasileiros lutando pelos EUA. No entanto, o fenômeno vira uma tendência mais numerosa a partir do momento que a imigração brasileira ganha maior expressão, na década de 1980. O trabalho busca, portanto, quantificar e discutir esta participação tanto a partir do ponto de vista da comunidade emigrada, quanto do ponto de vista individual dos emigrados entrevistados. / The present essay aims to investigate and register the participation of Brazilian immigrants on the US Armed Forces since the War of Vietnam till the present. The phenomenon of military enlistment of foreign-born in the different branches of the Armed Forces recalls to the Civil War period, thus being an important part of the history of many immigrant communities in USA. Since the War of Vietnam, there are reports of Brazilian-born personnel in the US military. The enlistment of Brazilians becomes a tendency as Brazilian immigration to the US becomes a phenomenon, in the mid 1980´s. This essay targets to quantify and discuss this participation simultaneously from the point of view of the Brazilian community and from the personal views of those who enlisted.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo investigar e registrar a participação de brasileiros nas Forças Armadas dos EUA desde a Guerra do Vietnã até o presente momento. O fenômeno do alistamento militar de estrangeiros nas forças de batalha estadunidenses remonta aos tempos da Guerra de Secessão e compõe parte importante da história de diversas comunidades imigrantes no país. Desde a Guerra do Vietnã, há relatos de brasileiros lutando pelos EUA. No entanto, o fenômeno vira uma tendência mais numerosa a partir do momento que a imigração brasileira ganha maior expressão, na década de 1980. O trabalho busca, portanto, quantificar e discutir esta participação tanto a partir do ponto de vista da comunidade emigrada, quanto do ponto de vista individual dos emigrados entrevistados. / The present essay aims to investigate and register the participation of Brazilian immigrants on the US Armed Forces since the War of Vietnam till the present. The phenomenon of military enlistment of foreign-born in the different branches of the Armed Forces recalls to the Civil War period, thus being an important part of the history of many immigrant communities in USA. Since the War of Vietnam, there are reports of Brazilian-born personnel in the US military. The enlistment of Brazilians becomes a tendency as Brazilian immigration to the US becomes a phenomenon, in the mid 1980´s. This essay targets to quantify and discuss this participation simultaneously from the point of view of the Brazilian community and from the personal views of those who enlisted.

La scène socio-politique du Pérou contemporain est de plus en plus marquée par la présence et la forte activité des représentants de peuples indigènes d’Amazonie, et en particulier les Awajún du Haut Marañón qui se sont révélés être des acteurs politiques de premier plan. Si, aujourd’hui, c’est un fait connu que les anciens guerriers « réducteurs de têtes » sont devenus de fameux politiciens indigènes, maîtres de la parole et dans l’art de la diplomatie, reste à saisir la façon dont ce passage a été possible, perçu et pensé par les Awajún eux-mêmes. Afin de comprendre la relation établie entre la « pensée indigène » et la question du « politique », entre la construction de l’individu et la formation des « dirigeants politiques », on retrace ici les premières étapes de l’histoire « moderne » du Haut Marañón. Adoptant une perspective pluridisciplinaire, associant observation ethnographique et études politiques, cette recherche s’appuie avant tout sur les récits et discours d’anciens leaders indigènes, protagonistes des événements qui ont conduit à la fondation des premières organisations ethno-politiques awajún. Les récits mythiques, les souvenirs, les récits de guerre et les formes narratives acquises à l’extérieur se mêlent pour constituer les axes discursifs de la reconstruction de l’histoire qui, entre 1920 et 1980, a conduit à la consolidation de deux nouvelles figures centrales de la vie politique indigène actuelle : le professeur bilingue et le « dirigeant politique ». En réalisant un voyage dans le temps, mobilisant faits historiques et expériences visionnaires, on cherchera à comprendre comment les anciens leaders réorganisent leurs expériences, quelle conception du « pouvoir » transmettent-ils et, finalement, de quelle façon se représentent-ils eux-mêmes comme les « hommes forts » des temps modernes. / The socio-political scenario of contemporary Peru is more and more characterized by the presence and activism of indigenous people representatives. In particular, the Awajún of Alto Marañón emerged as leading political actors. Although today is evident that the ancient “head- shrinkers" warriors have become famous indigenous politicians, masters in the art of diplomatic talk, it is still unknown how the Awajún conceived and perceived this transition. In order understand the relationships between the "indigenous thought" and the question of "politics", the construction of "individuals” and the formation of "political leaders", we show the first stages of the "modern" history of the Alto Marañón. We adopt a multi-disciplinary approach bringing together ethnographic observation and political studies. The ancient indigenous leaders have been key players of the events that led to the foundation of newborn Awajún ethno-political organizations. Their narratives and discourses are the core of this work. The myths, memories, war stories, and non-traditional narrative forms come together and compose the discourse axis for the historical reconstruction that, between 1920 and 1980, resulted in the establishment of two novel fundamental figures of the actual indigenous political life: the bilingual professor and the “political leader”. Through a journey in time, which draws both from historical and visionary experiences, we will try to understand how the ancient leaders are currently re-organizing their experiences, which conceptions of "power" are they transmitting and, ultimately, how they represent themselves as the "strong men" of modern times.

This is a multimodal discourse analytical study about national identity in russian film posters specifically in regards to four themes, posters that demonstrates wars, conflicts, violence or weapons. The aim of the study is to illustrate how national identity is portrayed in russian film posters, in relation to these four above themes from the start of the Soviet union 1922, until the end of the union 1991, plus four years ahead. This is studied by looking at how these four above themes are emphasized during different time periods, how the common history is described during different time periods, which similarities and differences that can be deduced from this, and how the question “who are we as a nation?” can be deduced from the pictures. The study also discusses the problem regarding media and its potential to influence, with a focus on the film media and the film poster, since these mediums have a huge potential to create a certain imagined community. For this reason it becomes important to understand who controls the media, since the one with control also beholds the power to decide what the nation identity should consist of, and how it should be portrayed. The study shows that the national identity in russian film posters is portrayed with a strong interconnection to wars, conflicts, violence and weapons during the whole investigation period, but how these themes are portrayed differs between the early/mid Soviet period and the late/post-Soviet period. The early/mid period puts a focus mainly on a strong patriotism where the soldier and the hero are frequently used motifs, which could be interpreted as motifs that are meant to eliminate questions about death in relation to wars. This could be seen as a result of an autocratic state controlled media. The late/post period instead emphasizes a criticism interconnected with conflicts with a focus on motifs like blood and dead bodies, that could be interpreted as motifs that demonstrate the tragic consequences of a violence. This could instead be seen as a result of a media that has been affected by a public sphere that has opened up, where the citizens are allowed to voice their opinions. The similarities is henceforth that the whole investigation period emphasizes a russian hegemony that puts a focus on the “russian” of the nation. The study recommends further studies in the area, either by investigating more themes in regards to film posters and national identity, or by investigating how another country portrays the national identity or the common history, there amongst war memories, in a media material. / Det här är en multimodal diskursanalytisk studie om gestaltning av nationell identitet i ryska filmaffischer, specifikt kopplat till fyra teman, affischer som gestaltar krig, konflikter, våld eller vapen. Studien har som syfte att illustrera hur nationell identitet uttrycks i ryska filmaffischer, kopplat till dessa fyra ovan teman från Sovjetunionens start 1922, till efter dess fall 1991, och fyra år framåt. Detta studeras genom att titta på hur dessa fyra ovan teman har betonats under olika tidsperioder, hur den gemensamma historieskrivningen har gestaltats under olika tidsperioder, vilka likheter och skillnader som går att utläsa från detta, samt hur frågan om “vem är vi som nation?” kan utläsas ur bilderna. Studien diskuterar även problematiken kring media och dess påverkanspotential i speciellt avseende till filmmediet och filmaffischen, då dessa medium har potential att skapa en viss föreställd gemenskap. Problematiken blir därmed vem som har kontroll över filmmediet, då den som har kontroll är den som besitter makten att bestämma vad nationsidentiteten ska bestå av och hur den ska gestaltas. Studien visar att den nationella identiteten uppvisar en stark koppling till krig, konflikter, våld och vapen under hela undersökningsperioden, men hur dessa teman gestaltas skiljer sig dock åt från tidiga/mitt Sovjettiden till sena/post-Sovjet tiden. Den tidiga/mitt perioden lägger främst fokus på en stark patriotism där soldaten och hjälten är vanligt förekommande motiv, som kan tolkas som motiv som ska eliminera frågor om död i samband med krig. Detta kan vidare tolkas som ett resultat av att en autokratisk stat har kontrollerat media. Den sena/post perioden betonar istället en kritik i samband med konflikter genom ett fokus på motiv som blod och döda kroppar, som kan tolkas demonstrera de tragiska konsekvenserna av ett våld. Detta kan istället tolkas som ett resultat av att media har påverkats av att en offentlig sfär har öppnats upp, där medborgare får lov att uttrycka sina åsikter. Likheterna är dock att hela undersökningsperioden betonar en rysk hegemoni som lägger fokus på det “ryska” i nationen. Studien rekommenderar fortsatt forskning av området, antingen genom att undersöka fler teman kopplat till nationell identitet i filmaffischerna, eller genom undersökning av hur andra länder länder gestaltar den nationella identiteten eller den gemensamma historien, däribland krigsminnen, i ett medialt material.

Au tournant de 1942 et de 1943, les premiers maquis virent le jour en France occupée. Principalement constitués de jeunes gens qui refusaient la conscription de travailleurs au service de l’Allemagne et trouvaient refuge dans les bois et les montagnes, les maquis connurent une progressive militarisation. Le souvenir de leurs combats à la Libération a largement éclipsé l’histoire de leurs relations avec la France libre et ses Alliés britanniques et américains. Pourtant, dès 1943, Londres, Alger et Washington discutèrent l’intégration des maquis aux plans de guerre, créant même des structures ad hoc. Sans ignorer les désaccords politiques, stratégiques et diplomatiques qui accompagnèrent ces discussions, cette recherche entend retrouver la coopération entre maquis français, France libre et Alliés. Elle s’intéresse aux individus qui, au sein des institutions britanniques et américaines comme de la France libre, s’investirent dans la cause des maquisards et tissèrent des réseaux qui permirent de leur apporter de l’aide. Des difficultés multiples se posèrent aux services de renseignement chargés de cette tâche : leurs communications sporadiques avec la France occupée, la mobilité des maquis et la réticence des états-majors réguliers n’étaient pas des moindres. Ils parvinrent cependant à faire entendre la voix des maquis au sommet des états-majors et des États alliés, permettant leur prise en compte progressive dans les plans d’ensemble, alors même que la coordination entre armées régulières et maquisards représentait un défi stratégique presque dénué de précédent. En étudiant, depuis les états-majors et jusque sur le terrain, les individus qui portèrent cette coopération, ce travail interroge les identités de combattants divers réunis par les hasards de la guerre. Chemin faisant, il explore l’expérience de la guerre et de la répression commune aux maquisards et aux envoyés de Londres et d’Alger qui les rejoignirent dans la clandestinité, développant avec leurs nouveaux compagnons d’armes de fortes solidarités. Il intègre la progressive libération du territoire français et la concurrence des pouvoirs qui l’accompagna, courant jusqu’en 1945 pour intégrer les sorties de guerre de ces différents combattants et un peu au-delà, pour évoquer les mémoires diverses qui en sont nées. / Between the end of 1942 and 1943, the first maquis came into existence in occupied France. While their members were mainly young people who refused to be sent as workers to Germany and sought refuge in the woods and the mountains, during the war the maquis turned into military formations. The memories of their fight during Liberation has largely overshadowed the history of their relationship with Free France and its British and American allies. However, as early as 1943, London, Algiers, and Washington discussed the integration of the maquis into their war plans, even creating the necessary structures. While taking into consideration the political, strategic, and diplomatic disagreements that were part of the discussions, this study intends to bring back the cooperation between the maquis, Free France, and the Allies into the narrative of the war. It looks at individuals who, within British and American institutions as well as Free France structures, dedicated their efforts to work alongside the maquisards, and built networks to assist them. Numerous obstacles came in the way of intelligence services when they took on that task: sporadic communication channels with occupied France, the maquis’ mobility, and the reluctance of regular military headquarters — among other problems. They managed, however, to carry the voice of the maquis back to the head of regular armies and Allied States, allowing them to be progressively taken into account in general war planning, even as coordination between maquisards and regular forces constituted an almost unprecedented strategic challenge. From military headquarters to the realm of clandestine operations, this study takes interest in the people who found themselves involved in this common fight, addressing the identities and fighting experiences of different individuals brought together by the fortunes of war. It also explores an experience of war and repression shared by the maquisards and the London and Algiers envoys who met them in their clandestine life, together building strong ties of solidarity. It follows them through the progressive liberation of the French territory, on the stage of its competing powers, reaching until 1945 to follow those fighters during their transition from war to peacetime, and beyond that year — shining a light onto the memories and narratives that ensued.