Prenant pour exemple la figure littéraire de l‟employé de bureau, notre étude se propose de saisir les particularités synchroniques et le cheminement diachronique d‟une esthétique de l‟impotence qui aurait notamment émergé avec la tentation flaubertienne du « livre sur rien », pour se développer ensuite dans une large part du roman français de la première moitié du XXe siècle et trouver, enfin, son aboutissement dans l‟oeuvre de Samuel Beckett. La figure du copiste permet en cela de dessiner un paysage littéraire dans lequel s‟inscrivent, à côté d‟écrivains célèbres, de nombreux auteurs oubliés malgré l‟importance qu‟ils eurent en leur temps / This thesis takes the typical character of the office worker as an example to try and show the synchronic particularities and the diachronic development of an aesthetics of impotence. The aesthetics of impotence may have more particularly emerged from the Flaubertian dream of the novel “about nothing” and developed afterward in a large part of the French literature in the first half of C20 to finally find its achievement in Samuel Beckett‟s work. The figure of the office worker allows to sketch a litterary landscape in which one can find many different authors : the most famous alongside the ones who have been long forgotten despite the importance they had in their days

Mythological and Mythogenic Aspects of Star Wars and the Specificities of its Stories in Regard to Serialized Storytelling covers the six stories of the Star Wars series in relation to Emil Volek's story model whose terminology and story typology is used to describe how the stories influence one another, which is to say, how the stories influence the reception of the other stories in the series and how the reception has changed over time. The diploma thesis also examines how myth is being applied to Star Wars and reflects whether such connection is justified. Both Star Wars and myth are given a definition and the relationship between the series and Joseph Campbell's monomyth, a concept frequently connected to Star Wars, is explored. The final part of the text describes narrative elements and processes participating in the creation of the original trilogy. An appendix covers various issues in regard to the translation of the series into Czech and briefly evaluates existing translations.

De 1919 à 1939, les municipalités rémoises sont marquées par la domination des radicaux, alliés d'abord à la SFIO puis ensuite à la droite et largement dominées par la personnalité de Paul Marchandeau. Après 1945, la situation apparaît beaucoup plus fluctuante. De 1945 à 1959 on a affaire à des municipalités fragiles qui voient se succéder à leur tête successivement un communiste, un RPF, un radical et deux MRP. C’est là le résultat cumulé du scrutin proportionnel et de l’isolement du PCF qui fait que les majorités ne peuvent se constituer qu’entre les partis non communistes aux rivalités incessantes. Mais les municipalités, ce sont aussi des individus. Deux générations d’édiles peuvent être individualisées. Celle de l’entre-deux-guerres qui vieillit progressivement en fonctions, sans se renouveler, et celle de la Quatrième République qui connaît un renouvellement plus important et apparaît davantage en phase avec la société rémoise des années 1950. / From 1919 to 1939, the municipalities of Reims were marked by the domination of radical party allied to the SFIO and then to the right and largely dominated by the personality of Paul Marchandeau. After 1945 the situation appeared much more variable. From 1945 to 1959 we are dealing with fragile municipalities headed successively by a communist, an RPF, a radical and two members of MRP. This is the cumulative result of proportional representation and isolation of the FPC which led to the fact that majorities could be formed only between the non-communist parties in which was incessant rivalry.. But municipalities are represented by individuals. Two generations of councilors can be individualized. The one that was in office between the two world wars who remained in office without any significant change and the one of the Fourth Republic, who experienced a larger renewal and appeared to be more in line with the Reims society of the time.

Ústav pro dějiny umění Diplomová práce Dana Christianová Relations of Fine Art and Design in interwar Czechoslovakia Abstract (in English) The work deals with relations of Fine Arts and Design in the context of the First Republic, when marked a fundamental transformation not only in art in general, but just in handicraft and design. This work demonstrates changes that have occurred in the perception, classification and finally democratization of design, by the example of textile art and personality of Marie Teinitzerová, who was at the interface of fine art, handicraft and design and significantly contributed to the promotion of new aesthetic values in all of these areas.

This dissertation defines aspects of Russian culture which bear the marks of French influence and explores the historical origins of that influence. While it is generally acknowledged that Russia’s culture has been influenced by France, no systematic history of the origins of this influence has been written. Previous research has dealt only superficially with the topic, focusing almost exclusively on the Francophile preferences of society’s elite. The present study examines Russian society more broadly and explores those elements of French cultural influence still relevant today through an historical analysis of the Russian language. French loanwords found in dictionaries from the time of Peter the Great to the present are analyzed chronologically and topically, yielding the conclusion that the most significant period of long-lasting French influence was the turn of the nineteenth century and was primarily cultural in nature—including the areas of fashion, cuisine, the arts, interior design and etiquette—but was also in areas related to technology and official administration. Following this lexical analysis, other primary sources—archival documents, military memoirs, and periodical publications from the resultant period—are searched for influences in these areas, especially during the period’s two major Franco-Russian events: the wave of immigration to Russia following the French Revolution and Russia’s war with Napoleon. The former facilitated deep cultural enrichment as native Frenchmen and French women, engaged in various occupations, acted as cultural mentors to the Russian nobility. The latter facilitated broad cultural immersion as tens of thousands of Russian troops—noble and common alike—marched into France and experienced French culture firsthand. This dissertation concludes that both of these explosive events, though by no means the beginning of French influence, were unique in the depth and permanence of their mark upon Russia’s culture.

On trouvera dans cette thèse une édition critique, une traduction italienne et une étude introductive à la Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem du juriste français Jean Bodin (1530-1596), mieux connu pour être l'auteur des Six livres de la République (1576), vrai chef d'oeuvre de la pensée politique du XVI siècle. Publiée d'abord à Paris en 1566, pour être ensuite reprise, corrigée et augmentée par son auteur et publiée une seconde fois chez le même éditeur en 1572, la Methodus rémonte à une phase cruciale et fascinante de la pensée bodinienne, toujours en pleine évolution. Rien de la République qui va paraître quelques ans plus tard n'est encore donné ici, et pourtant on peut déjà très bien voir l'itinéraire intellectuel qui mène Bodin du constitutionnalisme de sa jeunesse (idée d'une monarchie temperée et limitée) vers cette théorie de la souveraineté absolue qu'il formule pour la première fois en 1576, et qui marquera un tournant décisif pour la pensée politique des siècles suivants. Cette édition, grâce à un travail systématique d'identification des variantes et des ajouts introduits par l'auteur à l'occasion de la deuxième édition parisienne (1572), permet pour la première fois de mettre en place une étude évolutive de la pensée bodinienne au cours de cette décennie cruciale 1566-1576, de remettre certaines idées politiques de Bodin dans leur contexte, de formuler de nouvelles hypothèses autour de leur genèse, et de mieux saisir enfin différences et analogies entre la Methodus et la République. Dans l'étude introductive, où l'on souligne avec force l'unité d'inspiration de la Methodus et son originalité par rapport à la République, on propose également une nouvelle interprétation de la “naissance de l'absolutisme” bodinien: à l'appui des variantes de 1572, on cherche à montrer qu'aucun “tournant absolutiste” n'eut lieu chez Bodin à la suite de la Sainte-Barthélémy, puisque l'évolution de la pensée bodinienne dans un sens anti-constitutionnaliste était déjà en cours bien avant cette date, pour des raisons qui ont moins à voir avec le contexte historico-politique (certes troublé) de la France des années 1570, qu'avec un souci d'exactitude et de cohérence théorique très aigu chez cet auteur. / This dissertation consists of a critical edition, Italian translation and introductory essay to Jean Bodin's Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem. Jean Bodin (1530-1596) is best known as the author of the Six livres de la République (1576), a true masterpiece of sixteenth-century political thought. First published in Paris in 1566, the Methodus was then reworked, revised and augmented by Bodin, and printed again by the same editor in 1572. The Methodus belongs to a crucial and fascinanting period of Bodin's thought, which was then still largely evolving. The République is still a long way to come, and yet one can already spot in the Methodus a few hints of Bodin's ongoing journey from constitutionnalism (basically, the idea of a monarchy limited by a range of checks and balances) to absolute sovereignty – a concept that Bodin formulates for the first time in 1576, and that represents a crucial step in modern political theory. This edition results from systematic comparisons between the first two French editions (1566, 1572), the only ones directly supervised by the author himself. All of the variants and additions which Bodin made in view of the second edition of 1572 have been carefully identified, shown in the critical apparatus, and thoroughly discussed. Thanks to this fresh textual material, it will now be possible to study the evolution of Bodin's thought more closely across this crucial decade, 1566-1576; it will also be possible to recontextualise Bodin's political ideas, to formulate new hypothesis concerning their genesis, and hopefully to better grasp differences and analogies between the Methodus and the République. In the introductory essay, a few points are made to argue in favour of the internal unity of the Methodus and its relative autonomy vis-à-vis the République. Then, using abundant evidence yielded by the variants and additions of 1572, it is argued that, contrarily to what many believe, there was nothing like an “absolutist turn” in Bodin's thought, and that Bodin's drifting away from constitutionnalism towards “absolute sovereignty” should not be too rigidly connected with St Bartholomew's massacre and with the consequent polemics against the monarchomaques. As far as Bodin is concerned, indeed, his intellectual evolution had taken an anti-constitutionnalist direction well before August 1572, for reasons which seem to owe less to the political context of 1570's France, than to a concern for conceptual exactness and consistency which is in fact quite typical of this author.

In contemporary consumer culture, branding is the term given to the creation of an image or text (visual, aural, textural or multi-sensory) intended to represent a commodity or product sold by a producer or service provider. This product’s commercial viability depends largely on the way it is presented (via branding) to its target market. The aim of this research report is to show that music used consciously as a branding medium, with special reference to film music (in its commodified form), has become a brand in itself, as opposed to merely a component of a multi-modal commercial product. Through analyses of a central film music theme from Star Wars: Episode IV, composed by John Williams, I aim to identify what I will term `audio-branding techniques’ within the music, thereby showing how music has come to be regarded as a brand. The audio branding techniques will relate directly to the four levels of analysis that I propose to conduct. The nature of branding implies the presence of three entities in the cultural and commercial `transaction’ that takes place: namely, the service provider (creator), the product (commodity) and the target market (consumer). I intend to argue that, as a result of powerful creative collaborations between John Williams and his various directors (not to mention his own unique talent), this composer’s film music has increasingly become an audio brand which is almost commensurate with the brand status of the film itself. Williams’s ability to create a symbiotic relationship between a music brand and that of a film has set him apart from most other contemporary art and commercial composers. As a result, it is not simply the actors, directors and producers associated with a movie that induce one to buy tickets to see it, but Williams’s independent audio branding style as well. I thus aim to prove that his film music is an audio brand independent of, and yet also allied with, other brands.

Lors de la période de guerres civiles (49-31 a.C.) qui marqua la fin de la République, les armées, guidées par des imperatores rivaux, jouèrent un rôle central sur la scène politique romaine. Notre étude s’est portée sur l’encadrement des armées dans cette période. Comme dans toute armée, l’obéissance, la discipline voire le dévouement des troupes étaient assurés par des cadres militaires que l’on pourrait qualifier d’officiers, préfets, tribuns militaires, questeurs et légats. On a créé une base de données recensant l’ensemble des conduites individuelles de ces cadres des armées tardo-républicaines. On s’est livré d’abord à une analyse de la position institutionnelle de ces personnages, de leurs fonctions et de la chaîne de commandement dans laquelle ils s’inséraient. On a ensuite examiné les compétences et la formation de ces personnages, qui ne connurent pas de professionnalisation et n’étaient pas des techniciens. Enfin, le rôle politique de ces officiers qui étaient des partisans politiques des imperatores, a fait l’objet d’un examen d’ensemble. / During the Civil Wars which marked the end of the Republican Period in Rome, armies, led by rival imperatores, were important actors of the Roman political scene. This study is about the military cadres during this period. As in any army, obedience, discipline and loyalty were based on the action of military cadres, who can be considered as officers, such as prefects, military tribunes, quaestors and legates. I have created a database, grouping the whole individual actions of these military cadres in late-republican armies. First, I have made an analysis of the institutional positions of these officers, I have studied their functions, and the command chain they were part of. Then, I have studied the competences and the military formation of these individuals, who were not professionals nor technicians. Finally, the political role of these officers, who were kinsmen of the great imperatores, is analysed.

Compte tenu de l'importance de l'antinomie esclavage/liberté dans la pensée des Grecs et des Romains à l'époque classique, la participation de quelques hommes libres aux mouvements dirigés par des esclaves révoltés renvoie à un problème complexe. Les esclaves-marchandises, définis comme « choses », étaient représentés comme des étrangers, comme les « autres » contre lesquels tous les citoyens (autant les riches propriétaires d'esclaves que les pauvres paysans et artisans) se sont définis eux-mêmes comme unité. La dichotomie esclave/citoyen servait à nuancer d'un point de vue idéologique les rapports d'exploitation et les différences de richesse entre les citoyens. Malgré les différences juridiques, politiques, idéologiques et sociales qui séparaient les hommes libres des esclaves, les sources narratives nous disent que certains hommes libres n'ont pas réprimé les esclaves rebelles comme ils auraient dû le faire en solidarité avec les riches, mais ont participé, au contraire, au pillage des biens de ces derniers ou se sont joints aux esclaves dans les révoltes. Dans ce travail nous étudions la participation de quelques hommes libres et pauvres (aporoi) aux guerres serviles sous la République romaine et leur relation avec les esclaves révoltés, problématique parfois négligée par l'historiographie. Face au courant historiographique qui néglige la participation des libres et celui qui la surestime, nous revalorisons une ligne de recherche qui atteste le caractère servile des insurrections (puisqu'il semble que le rôle principal de ces révoltes ait été tenu par les esclaves, tant du point de vue qualitatif que quantitatif) en affirmant parallèlement que la participation des hommes libres en fut un élément important. Nous croyons que cette lecture est la plus fidèle aux témoignages de nos sources et que nous apportons quelques éléments pour la repenser en abordant son étude dans le cadre de l'imaginaire démocratique classique qui tendait à encourager la solidarité citoyenne face à la menace servile, en analysant chaque révolte séparément afin d'évaluer la relation établie entre les couches inférieures de la société et en dégageant la participation des aporoi par leur révolte parallèle ou par leur intégration dans les rangs rebelles comme des symptômes des fortes tensions civiles à l'intérieur du corps citoyen que nous définissons en termes de staseis (discordes civiles) dont les révoltes serviles se sont nourries. C'est pourquoi nous croyons que la participation des aporoi fut au moins un facteur parmi d'autres favorisant les insurrections serviles. Dans le cas de la première guerre sicilienne et dans celui de la guerre des gladiateurs, nous soutenons l'idée de l'existence d'une alliance conjoncturelle entre les esclaves révoltés et les aporoi. En revanche, dans le cas de la seconde guerre servile, nous défendons l'interprétation selon laquelle les libres pauvres ont profité de l'occasion pour piller les propriétés des riches. Notre analyse vise à nuancer les visions théoriques les plus inflexibles qui en fonction de l'importance des barrières juridiques et idéologiques entre les hommes libres et les esclaves affirment l'absolue incommunicabilité entre les deux groupes. Il y eu des exceptions, comme par exemple dans les guerres serviles où un secteur des masses plébéiennes et libres a ignoré les constructions idéologiques qui représentaient les esclaves comme leur strict contraire. / The participation of free men in the movements led by rebellious slaves sets a complex problem in terms of the importance of the freedom/slavery antinomy in the thinking of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The chattel-slaves, defined as things, were represented as foreigners. The slaves served as the ‘Others’ against which all citizens, from the rich slave owners to the poor artisans and peasants, defined themselves as a unity. The contrast between the slave and the citizen made it possible to shade, from an ideological point of view, the relations of exploitation and the differences of wealth between the citizens. This tended to suppress the social conflict between them. Despite the significant legal and political differences between the free and the enslaved, and the ideological representation that was made of it, the sources narrate that some free men not only did not repress the rebel slaves in the great servile revolts, in solidarity with their rich fellow citizens, but they plundered these last ones or joined the fugitives. In the present work, we study the participation of impoverished free men (aporoi) in the late-republican servile wars and the relationship they established with the rebel slaves, a problem that has sometimes been neglected by the historiography or only partially treated. Some historiographical currents neglected the participation of the aporoi in the servile wars, and others overestimate it. In opposition, we revalue a line of investigation that, on the one hand, maintains the servile nature of the insurrections, since, the main role was apparently of the rebel slaves, but on the other hand affirms that the participation of free men was an important element. We believe that this point of view is the most appropriate for the testimonies of the sources and we contribute elements to rethink it. Those elements include: to focus the study within the framework of the classic democratic imaginary that will tend to promote the citizen solidarity facing the servile threat; to analyse each revolt individually to evaluate the relationship between the subaltern sectors; and understand the participation of the aporoi, either its parallel rebellion or its inflow to the rebel ranks, as the symptom of tensions within the citizen body that can be defined in terms of stáseis (civil discords), of which the servile revolts nurtured from the beginning. Therefore, the participation of the aporoi is a factor, among others, that helped the growth of the servile revolts. In the case of the first Sicilian revoit and the revoit of Spartacus, we maintain the existence of a conjunctural alliance between the rebellious slaves and the aporoi .In contrast, in the second Sicilian revoit, we defend the interpretative line that supports the idea that there was no relationship between the two groups, but rather two parallel revolts: the free poor simply took advantage of the opportunity in the servile revoit to plunder the properties of the rich. Our work attempts to nuance the most rigid theoretical views that affirm the absolute incommunicability between plebeians and slaves. There were occasions, albeit unusual, where the abyss that separated the free man from the slave did not seem to be so great, at least not to the aporoi, who ignored the imaginary that pitted them against the dishonored social dead. The servile wars were one of those cases.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Manoela Salem Miklos.pdf: 1766313 bytes, checksum: 610fc2901a62355b32e7508fdaac46e5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / At the end of the 1990 s, researchers involved on the debate about the new wars introduced the discussion about the urban dimension of the contemporary conflicts to the International Relations discipline. Such discussion fostered new research lines, all of which share the perception that the urban dimension is critical to the understanding of the contemporary conflicts. The city is the place where transnational flows materialize both legal and illegal, formal and informal, material and immaterial, the place where the challenges of global governance become concrete. The debate about the fragility of the cities is one of the many lines of inquiry that emerge within this framework. This thesis seeks, first, to systematize the literature on the fragile cities from its origins, when it was linked it to the literature on fragile states, to the present. Then, it will demonstrate that the fragile cities are constituted as a new locus of humanitarianism through empirical evidence. The literature on the fragile cities creates new perspectives. Humanitarian aid Institutions inaugurate new practices, appropriating the literature on fragile cities / Inseridos no debate a respeito das novas guerras, pesquisadores introduziram à disciplina das Relações Internacionais, ao final dos anos 1990, a discussão a respeito da dimensão urbana dos conflitos contemporâneos. Tal discussão inaugurou linhas de pesquisa que compartilham a percepção de que reconhecer a dimensão urbana dos conflitos contemporâneos é fundamental para a compreensão dos mesmos. A cidade é o espaço onde se materializam os fluxos transnacionais legais e ilegais, formais e informais, materiais e imateriais, o espaço onde os desafios da governança global ganham concretude. Dentre as linhas de pesquisa que emergem nesse marco, está o debate a respeito da fragilidade das cidades. A presente tese busca, em primeiro lugar, sistematizar a literatura a respeito das cidades frágeis desde sua origem, vinculada à literatura a respeito dos Estados frágeis, até o presente. Em seguida, procura-se demonstrar através de evidências empíricas que as cidades frágeis constituem-se como novo locus do humanitarismo. A literatura sobre as cidades frágeis inaugura novas perspectivas. As instituições dedicadas à ajuda humanitária, uma vez que se apropriam de tal literatura, inauguram novas práticas