Univ., Diss.--Tübingen, 2006. / Literaturverz. S. [413] - 453.

La Conférence du Désarmement en tant que « forum unique de négociation multilatéral sur le désarmement » subit une impasse de plus de 15 ans. Elle demeure sans aucun résultat après la dernière négociation du TICE qui s’est terminé en 1996. C’est la raison pour laquelle, tout d’abord nous essayons d’analyser les cadres de négociation et les contenus des traités dans le domaine du désarmement et de la non-prolifération en présentant en deux titres, pour analyser la formation de la normativité et des accords dans ce domaine. En effet, cette thèse couvre tous les types d’armes et ses traités pour la limitation ou l’interdiction de l’arme de destruction massive, y compris les armes nucléaires, biologiques et chimiques, et conventionnelles. La portée de ces instruments varie aussi à partir de traités comme le TNP jusqu’au soft law comme le programme d’action pour les armes légères et de petit calibre. En ce qui concerne la formation de la normativité, le dernier titre essaye d’analyser aussi l’aspect juridique de la négociation et le mécanisme pour renforcer le respect du traité. Ce sont les éléments essentiels pour la naissance de la normativité primordiale des accords en tant que documents juridiquement contraignants, et leur validité. Nous essayons aussi l’analyse du soft law et de la jurisprudence de la Cour internationale de Justice comme source de normativité dans l’ensemble de normes autour du désarmement et de la non-prolifération. C’est ainsi que cette thèse va essayer l’étude minutieuse des problèmes autour de la formation et de la normativité des accords multilatéraux dans le domaine du désarmement et de la non-prolifération. / The Conference on Disarmament as “the single multilateral forum of negotiation on disarmament” suffers from more than 15 years’ stalemate. Its annual session ends without any result every year after the last negotiation of the CTBT until 1996. That is the reason why this doctoral dissertation tries to analyze the framework of negotiation first of all and then the content of the treaties in the field of disarmament and non-proliferation. It also tries to analyze for the normativity of the various instruments in this field. In fact, this dissertation covers every type of weapons and the treaties for their limitation and prohibition starting for weapons of mass destruction to conventional weapons. The coverage of the instruments also varies from the treaties such as NPT to the soft law like the program of action for small arms and light weapons. As for the formation of the normativity, the last part tries to analyze the legal aspect of the negotiation and the mechanism to strengthen the compliance of the treaty. They are the essential elements for the primordial normativity of the treaties as legally binding documents and their validity. The analysis also covers the soft law and legal cases sentenced by the International Court of Justice as a source of normativity in the holistic approach so as to clarify the norms related to disarmament and non-proliferation. In this way this doctoral dissertation tries the in depth study of the process for the formation and the normativity of the multilateral treaties in the field of disarmament and the non-proliferation.

More and more frequent vagaries of the weather, repeated natural disasters, increasing environmental pollution, industry expansion, overpopulation of the planet, religious disturbances, terrorist attacks, wars ? all this and much more matters to the whole human society. The terms such as ?emergency event? and ?crisis situation? are used hand in hand with this in the mass media on a daily basis. In particular, public protection was shaped by the World Wars and the so-called Cold War in the 20th century. Terrorism, uses of nuclear core and religious come into play in the 21st century. Advanced societies, like the Czech Republic, have responded to such a development by adopting a number of measures, creating lots of legal documents, establishing an integrated rescue system designed for managing emergency events. Professionalism of the integrated rescue system keeps improving. But what about an individual who the mentioned events also matter to? What information do the children have nowadays, would they be able to react correctly in emergencies, would they be able to give first aid in a right way? As for teaching public protection, how have the schools adopted themselves to the new era? History and the present of the development of the public protection are described in the theoretical part of the presented thesis. he public protection is viewed within the context of the present days and society i.a. in relation to the multinational organizations and European Community. The description of the school system of teaching public protection is the main linchpin of the theoretical part of the thesis. Guidance Notes by the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (the ?MŠMT?) ref. No. 12 050/03-22 to include the topic of protection of man in emergencies into the educational programmes and Guidance Notes by the MŠMT ref. No. 13 586/03-22 Protection of Man in Emergencies ? Amendment to the Teaching Materials for Primary Schools, Secondary Schools, Special Schools and Colleges of 4 March 2003 are the main regulations in this area. Following these documents, the level of cooperation between schools and the integrated rescue system in relation to the comprehensive teaching in the area of public protection in theory is described in the thesis. A hypothesis has been defined for the diploma thesis: Preparedness of primary school pupils in České Budějovice in the area of public protection is only basic. In order to confirm or disapprove this hypothesis, 14 primary schools in České Budějovice founded by the Statutory Town of České Budějovice were addressed in the research part of the thesis. After finding out what the situation at the individual schools is, a selective statistical set of 150 pupils was selected from the set of 28 years 9 of the above-mentioned primary schools and 681 pupils using a stratified sampling method. They were presented with a standard test originating from the test for year 9 outlined in accordance with the guidance notes by the MŠMT and the document ?Documents for Teaching the Issues of Protection of Man in Common Risk Areas and Emergencies at Primary Schools?. Basic methods of descriptive statistics were used to evaluate the test. The hypothesis was not confirmed, which is accounted for in detail in the final part of the thesis. The evaluation of the test results shows significantly better than just pupils? basic knowledge in the area of public protection. Zero hypothesis has been accepted on the basis of the experimental test and the empirical classification was replaced by the theoretical common classification i.e. Gauss curve. The intention of the use in practice has been to offer the thesis results to the primary schools for self-reflection, comparison and expansion or enrichment of the teaching plans. The participating schools were interested in being provided with the individual results already while processing the tests and in this respect they were satisfied.

The challenge of the just war theory in the post-modern era is compounded by technologic advances in warfare and the friction among state actors in a decentralized state system. The inquiry of this investigation on just war is the extent of its validity in an era that extols the sciences and human reason on the one hand and economic necessity on the other as the standard by which state actors regulate their political objectives. The thesis Just war; unjust consequences examines the longevity of the just war tradition, its moral necessity throughout history and its indispensable application in the nuclear age. Chapter 2 examines the moral foundations of the ‘two kingdoms’, which formulates the background of the just war theory, from the biblical account of the great controversy between good and evil to the formation of modern church/state relations. Within the ancient and contemporary setting, ecclesiastical and theological traditions have provided a public platform to establish moral parameters in regards to state actor intent and post-modern application, such as the U.S.-Iraq war. Chapter 3 investigates Augustine’s enduring contribution to the moral and historical formation and longevity of the just war theory. From its earliest development to its modern antecedent the just war theory has been an integral aspect of the philosophical and theological analysis distinguishing ‘why’ and ‘how’ wars are fought and the import of moral parameters to manage international conflict. Chapter 4 examines Reinhold Niebuhr’s contribution to the realist tradition and U.S. foreign policy in the 20th and 21st centuries. This section examines the impact of the modern state actor’s intent for war. The primary issue is that the classical formulation that identifies human nature as the catalyst of social disorder and war is superseded by the scientific method, which adheres to the viewpoint that war is complicated by numerous economic and political factors. Hans Morgenthau’s realist tradition of international relations theory, which advocates that humankind is the centric disruptive force by its abuse of power at all levels of human interaction especially among nations was eventually eclipsed by Kenneth Waltz’s neorealist school of thought, which shifted the culpability of war from the egocentricities of human nature to the disproportions of economic and military power among competing state actors in a decentralized state system. This shift in international relations theory within the framework of weapons of mass destruction contested the validity of the just war tradition in the nuclear age. Chapter 5 reasserts the Christian realist tradition’s viewpoint that the perpetrator for war is the individual actor within collective competitive self-interest, epitomized by the state actor. The classical model is reinstated as a plausible cause for war. It is within this framework that a contemporary adaptation of the just war moral theory is provided to contest the contemporary complexities of warfare in the 21st century. Chapter 6 investigates the practical challenges of modern warfare. The background of Operation Iraqi Freedom reveals the complications of state actor competition in international politics, and the necessity of moral parameters to thwart unwarranted state actor aggression. Finally, Chapter 7 reiterates, the prolonged necessity of the just war tradition in both the ancient and modern eras and, the import of moral parameters to thwart unwarranted state actor aggression and provides a reformulation of the just war moral theory to challenge the viewpoint that deems the utility of weapons of mass destruction as viable national security alternative and its tactical application in warfare. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2014 / gm2015 / Practical Theology / PhD / Unrestricted

Abstract The purpose of this study is to investigate how USA justified the military intervention of Iraq 2003 by using an idea analytical method. The source material consists of speeches led by President George W. Bush in regard to the 9/11 terror attacks and Iraq between the years 2001 and 2003. Quotes have been categorized by using reality judgment, value judgment and regulation of action to analyze how the intervention was justified. The central question this study aim to answer is: what factors and aspects can be analyzed in Gorge W. Bush’s speeches that justified the intervention in Iraq? Results concludes factors that explain how the United States justifies the intervention of Iraq are thus, the possible security policy threats that could arise in the future as a consequence of an ignored Iraq. The decision was communicated in aspects of good values ​​and altruistic reasons. The combination of the factors and aspects above, mediated by George W. Bush to justify the final course of action: military intervention in Iraq. The conclusion is that the Bush doctrine was primarily a doctrine of security and secondly a doctrine of ideology.

The present diploma thesis aims to compare the approach of the Bush and Obama administrations towards the role of nuclear weapons in the United States security strategy. The author focuses at the Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) reports from 2001 and 2010, employing a detailed comparative analysis of their respective content as well as their implications. The analysis concentrates at broader conceptual issues as well as very concrete steps related to specific elements of the United States strategic arsenal. The author of the thesis argues that the current political discourse which attributes a nearly revolutionary character to the approach of the Obama administration to the United States nuclear policy does not fully match the actual dimension of change between the NPR of 2001 and 2010. In fact, the evolution of the United States nuclear strategy maintains its own dynamics in many aspects. Additionally, the present diploma thesis also tries to analyze both documents within the context of the evolution of the United States nuclear strategy since the 1990s which allows the author to identify the shifts as well as the patterns of continuity in the US nuclear policy in the post-Cold War period.

'Losing Control combines a glimpse behind the security screens with sharp analysis of the real global insecurities - growing inequality and unsustainability.' The New Internationalist The attacks in New York and Washington on 11th September 2001 took most of the world by surprise. It showed that, for those living in the West, the threat of terrorist attack is now very real. Maintaining control of global security has become a matter of paramount importance to all Western governments. As the war against 'terrorism' widens into a war against particular states who may have played little part in the disaster, the idea that we can maintain global security by desperately clinging to our current security paradigm becomes increasingly improbable. In Losing Control, Paul Rogers calls for a radical re-thinking of western perceptions of security that embraces a willingness to address the core issues of global insecurity. This acclaimed book has already become an essential guide for anyone who wishes to understand the current crisis, and this updated edition contains a new preface and a new chapter which address the specific problems that have arisen since the attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Drawing on examples from around the world, Rogers analyses the legacy of the Cold War's proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; the impact of human activity on the global ecosystem; the growth of hypercapitalism and resulting poverty and insecurity; the competition for energy resources and strategic minerals; biological warfare programmes; and paramilitary actions against centres of power. The new edition brings the whole analysis right up to date, arguing persuasively that the world's elite cannot maintain control and that a far more emancipatory and sustainable approach to global security has to be developed. / Also published in Japanese

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La notion d'« armes de destruction massive » (ADM) est insaisissable : au lieu d'avoir pour but de mieux définir un type d'arme, elle agit à l'inverse, en créant une confusion entre l'arme et les conséquences de son emploi. Cette nature inconsistante se poursuit au niveau juridique. En effet, bien que l'expression fasse très tôt son entrée au sein des Nations unies, aucun traité ni organe officiel n'a, jusqu'alors, réussi à en donner une définition probante. À défaut de définition incontestable, et en l'absence d'un critère vérifiable d'identification de ce qu'est une « arme de destruction massive », cette notion s'est avérée préjudiciable. L'écart entre la réalité de la menace existante en matière d'« armes de destruction massive » et la façon dont elle fut perçue, puis gérée par la communauté internationale, c'est-à-dire à la fois par les États de façon individuelle et par les organisations internationales et les traités de façon collective, a conduit à de multiples dérives. Par conséquent, s'agissant là d'une notion plus politique que juridique, il apparaît nécessaire qu'elle soit précisée ou abandonnée / The term « weapons of mass destruction » (WMD) is ambiguous: instead of aiming to clearly define a certain type of weapon, it does the opposite by creating confusion between the weapon itself and the consequences of its use. This confusion is also reflected at in the legal definition. Indeed, even though the term has been used by the United Nations from an early stage, no treaty or official entity has succeeded in providing a clear definition to this day. The lack of a clear definition, and the absence of defined criteria to determine what constitutes a « weapon of mass destruction », has turned out to be damaging. The dichotomy between the existing threat from « weapons of mass destruction » and the way it is perceived and handled by the international community, including individual states, international organisations, as well as collective treaties, has resulted in several instances of inappropriate use. As a consequence, the term has become a political rather than legal notion. A clearer legal definition is needed, or otherwise the term should be abandoned

Even though terrorism has been on the political agenda for several years there is no general accepted definition of the phenomena of terrorism. Several scientist do also apply that terrorism have changed after the 9/11-attacks. The purpose with this thesis was to analyze and compare the image of terrorism represented by the United States, United Kingdom, Sweden and Norway, in an attempt to draw conclusions about similarities and differentials. The material that was used was these four nations individual counter terrorism strategy. This was made by using idea analysis and self constructed dimensions based on earlier science about security, terrorism and international law. A result of this study showed that there is a consensus about terrorism as a high existential threat because of the religious extremism that is related to Al Qaeda and justifies mass murder and have showed attempt to acquire weapons of mass destruction. On this adoption the nations in this study justifies extraordinary actions in cooperation against global terrorism. It is however some differentials about the means to counter this threat. The United States, United Kingdom and Norway describes in their strategy that the threat of Al Qaeda and its allies should be met by military force. United Kingdom describes that the military action is to consider as an exception based on the extraordinary threat that Al Qaeda poses. Sweden on the other hand shows a description of terrorism as a criminal act that should be met by national measures.