Thesis advisor: Michael G. Pratt / This work focuses on an Occupational Identity Existential Threat (OIET): the experience of a possible permanent loss of an individual’s ability to claim, enact, or draw meaning from a valued occupational identity. OIETs occur among members when their occupation is in such decline that it may not survive. Identity threats from occupational demise can affect entire collectives and impact not only individuals’ identities but their relationships at and with their work; and consequently, can have important consequences on occupational members’ lives. Yet, our current theories are ill-equipped to understand how individuals experience these threats as they tend to focus on non-existential threats coming from clear losses. To address how occupational members experience an OIET, I followed a grounded theory approach and conducted an inductive qualitative study of Les Clefs d’Or concierges in the USA. I have completed about 130hrs of observations and I collected a total of 101 interviews (with 85 informants) over a period of two and a half years, plus longitudinal interviews with key occupational actors. At the occupational level, I find that the leadership of the occupation entered a ‘survival’ mode by providing support to their members, as well as narratives generating hopefulness for the maintenance of their occupation. At the individual level, I uncover several paths that Les Clefs d’Or members followed when faced with OIET: withdrawing, waiting, searching and defending. Each path had distinct outcomes on how individuals related to the occupation, as well as their mental health and relationships with other members. Finally, I describe the theoretical and practical implications of this work. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Carroll School of Management. / Discipline: Management and Organization.

This thesis examines the phenomenon of Chechen population growth in the context of the protracted Russo-Chechen conflict. It argues that the conflict was the main causative reason for the growth of the Chechen population. This hypothesis was confirmed by fieldwork, which allowed for the detection of a positive correlation between the nation's demographic growth and the perception of the own physical existence as endangered. The results of fieldwork demonstrated that the majority of the informants connected high Chechen birth rates with the necessity of physical survival, restoration of losses, and strengthening the nation numerically. The threat to Chechen ethnic identity did not show as strong correlation with demographic growth as did the threat to physical existence. Nevertheless, Chechen ethnic identity, which favours resistance to a foreign rule, was confirmed to be the crucial variable in determining the demographic dynamics of the nation. This in turn suggested an additional correlation: in the context of an existential threat salient ethnic identity would prompt a population growth. The latter, in such cases, is considered as a way of continuing the resistance in a non-violent way. The restoration of the losses experienced and the survival of the nation is seen as a victory and at the same time as a preparation for the next outbreak of violence. With all of this in mind, this thesis suggests considering Chechen demographic growth as the reaction (which itself was determined by ethnic identity) to the existential threat imposed by Russia.

<p>Even though terrorism has been on the political agenda for several years there is no general accepted definition of the phenomena of terrorism. Several scientist do also apply that terrorism have changed after the 9/11-attacks. The purpose with this thesis was to analyze and compare the image of terrorism represented by the United States, United Kingdom, Sweden and Norway, in an attempt to draw conclusions about similarities and differentials. The material that was used was these four nations individual counter terrorism strategy. This was made by using idea analysis and self constructed dimensions based on earlier science about security, terrorism and international law. A result of this study showed that there is a consensus about terrorism as a high existential threat because of the religious extremism that is related to Al Qaeda and justifies mass murder and have showed attempt to acquire weapons of mass destruction. On this adoption the nations in this study justifies extraordinary actions in cooperation against global terrorism. It is however some differentials about the means to counter this threat. The United States, United Kingdom and Norway describes in their strategy that the threat of Al Qaeda and its allies should be met by military force. United Kingdom describes that the military action is to consider as an exception based on the extraordinary threat that Al Qaeda poses. Sweden on the other hand shows a description of terrorism as a criminal act that should be met by national measures.</p>

Considering the increased focus on law and order and crime in Sweden, the purpose of this thesis is to examine the political rhetoric on crime since 2002 on the Swedish parties the Moderate Party, the Social Democratic Party, and the Sweden Democrats. This is done through an analysis with the theory of securitization developed by Buzan, Wæver and de Wilde. Through analysis of election manifestos, motions, bills, and laws this study shows a shift towards a rhetoric that increasingly explains Sweden as a country “existentially” threatened by crime. At the same time, proposed action in the Swedish context becomes more far-reaching as emergency actions are legitimized by the presented threat of crime rates. The conclusion is that the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats today are making a securitization move, however that the question of law and order today is not securitized in Sweden. / Givet att lag och ordning är en av de viktigaste politiska frågorna i Sverige idag syftar studien till att undersöka Moderaternas, Socialdemokraternas och Sverigedemokraternas retorik i frågan sedan 2002. Analysen görs med hjälp av teorin om säkerhetisering av Buzan, Wæver och de Wilde (Köpenhamnsskolan). Genom en idéanalys med hjälp av en innehållsanalys av valmanifest, motioner, propositioner och lagar visar denna studie på ett skifte i partiernas retorik, som i ökad utsträckning målar upp ett säkerhetshot kring brottslighet, vilket alltmer kan liknas vid ett “existentiellt” hot. Samtidigt har föreslagna åtgärder blivit alltmer långtgående. Utifrån säkerhetiseringsteorin kan detta förklaras med att nödåtgärder legitimeras när ett säkerhetshot presenteras. Slutsatserna är att Moderaterna och Sverigedemokraterna gör ett så kallat säkerhetiseringsförsök, men att frågan om lag och ordning idag inte är säkerhetiserad i Sverige.

Even though terrorism has been on the political agenda for several years there is no general accepted definition of the phenomena of terrorism. Several scientist do also apply that terrorism have changed after the 9/11-attacks. The purpose with this thesis was to analyze and compare the image of terrorism represented by the United States, United Kingdom, Sweden and Norway, in an attempt to draw conclusions about similarities and differentials. The material that was used was these four nations individual counter terrorism strategy. This was made by using idea analysis and self constructed dimensions based on earlier science about security, terrorism and international law. A result of this study showed that there is a consensus about terrorism as a high existential threat because of the religious extremism that is related to Al Qaeda and justifies mass murder and have showed attempt to acquire weapons of mass destruction. On this adoption the nations in this study justifies extraordinary actions in cooperation against global terrorism. It is however some differentials about the means to counter this threat. The United States, United Kingdom and Norway describes in their strategy that the threat of Al Qaeda and its allies should be met by military force. United Kingdom describes that the military action is to consider as an exception based on the extraordinary threat that Al Qaeda poses. Sweden on the other hand shows a description of terrorism as a criminal act that should be met by national measures.

The purpose of this thesis is to perform a critical discourse analysis on the upper secondary school act aiming to map which discourses that are being reproduced concerning unaccompanied youths, as well as the motivation behind the creation of the law. Furthermore, the purpose is to investigate the consequences of the discourses produced for unaccompanied youths’ rights claims. Faircloughs discursive model of three levels was used to review the proposition. This was complemented by an analysis of the result in relation to the Copenhagen school of securitization as well as Elena Namlis perspective on human rights. The review revealed that the dominating discourse in the upper secondary school act depicts the unaccompanied youths as foreign and potential threats. The law is motivated by the need to compensate for the Migration boards’ long processing time for their application of asylum upon arrival. It is said that this specific group ended up in an misfortuned situation. It is also explained that the law will trigger the youths to integrate through the demand of them needing to finish high school and find a job within 6 months in order to get asylum. However, this thesis also shows that the government is not fully ready to compensate for this misfortune as the demands, qualification to be available for this law, and security control of youths are implemented. Those obsticles are motivated by the view of the youths as existential threats and could be viewed as a sign of securitization of unaccompanied youths. What follows is them having a more difficult path of reaching their rights of asylum.