Considering the increased focus on law and order and crime in Sweden, the purpose of this thesis is to examine the political rhetoric on crime since 2002 on the Swedish parties the Moderate Party, the Social Democratic Party, and the Sweden Democrats. This is done through an analysis with the theory of securitization developed by Buzan, Wæver and de Wilde. Through analysis of election manifestos, motions, bills, and laws this study shows a shift towards a rhetoric that increasingly explains Sweden as a country “existentially” threatened by crime. At the same time, proposed action in the Swedish context becomes more far-reaching as emergency actions are legitimized by the presented threat of crime rates. The conclusion is that the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats today are making a securitization move, however that the question of law and order today is not securitized in Sweden. / Givet att lag och ordning är en av de viktigaste politiska frågorna i Sverige idag syftar studien till att undersöka Moderaternas, Socialdemokraternas och Sverigedemokraternas retorik i frågan sedan 2002. Analysen görs med hjälp av teorin om säkerhetisering av Buzan, Wæver och de Wilde (Köpenhamnsskolan). Genom en idéanalys med hjälp av en innehållsanalys av valmanifest, motioner, propositioner och lagar visar denna studie på ett skifte i partiernas retorik, som i ökad utsträckning målar upp ett säkerhetshot kring brottslighet, vilket alltmer kan liknas vid ett “existentiellt” hot. Samtidigt har föreslagna åtgärder blivit alltmer långtgående. Utifrån säkerhetiseringsteorin kan detta förklaras med att nödåtgärder legitimeras när ett säkerhetshot presenteras. Slutsatserna är att Moderaterna och Sverigedemokraterna gör ett så kallat säkerhetiseringsförsök, men att frågan om lag och ordning idag inte är säkerhetiserad i Sverige.

The purpose of this thesis is to perform a critical discourse analysis on the upper secondary school act aiming to map which discourses that are being reproduced concerning unaccompanied youths, as well as the motivation behind the creation of the law. Furthermore, the purpose is to investigate the consequences of the discourses produced for unaccompanied youths’ rights claims. Faircloughs discursive model of three levels was used to review the proposition. This was complemented by an analysis of the result in relation to the Copenhagen school of securitization as well as Elena Namlis perspective on human rights. The review revealed that the dominating discourse in the upper secondary school act depicts the unaccompanied youths as foreign and potential threats. The law is motivated by the need to compensate for the Migration boards’ long processing time for their application of asylum upon arrival. It is said that this specific group ended up in an misfortuned situation. It is also explained that the law will trigger the youths to integrate through the demand of them needing to finish high school and find a job within 6 months in order to get asylum. However, this thesis also shows that the government is not fully ready to compensate for this misfortune as the demands, qualification to be available for this law, and security control of youths are implemented. Those obsticles are motivated by the view of the youths as existential threats and could be viewed as a sign of securitization of unaccompanied youths. What follows is them having a more difficult path of reaching their rights of asylum.