The hypothesis underlying this research is that Africa's leaders are under a moral/political imperative to summon the will to develop a capacity to intervene in conflicts, possibly with external assistance, but without direct extra-continental intervention. This begs two questions. Is Africa right — politically and morally – to assume this task? And should the rest of the world, particularly the traditional intervening powers, accept and/or promote and/or assist African self-pacification? A trend toward subsidiarity and the regionalisation of conflict management in the African context followed reversals for United Nations and Western policy in the early 1990s, notably in Somalia and Rwanda. In the wake of these setbacks the universal impulse to intervene wherever necessary was overshadowed by a particularist/relativist position that distinguished Africa and African conflicts as cases apart. This translated in theoretical terms to a switch away from a cosmopolitan position allowing of international intervention to a communitarian position that promotes the African 'community' or African sub-regional 'communities' as the primary loci for addressing conflict. The continental organisation, the Organisation of African Union (0AU), has been hampered in assuming this task by its strict Charter adherence to state sovereignty and non-intervention in the internal affairs of its member states. As a result the logic of subsidiarity devolved on Africa's sub-regional organisations, in particular the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). However, these organisations have found development of a security framework problematic, suffered from internal rivalries and have been hindered by paucity of funds and logistics. Interventions undertaken under the auspices of these bodies have often been of dubious legitimacy under international law. Viewed from the perspective of the 'just war' tradition these interventions also invariably seem morally suspect. Unwilling to intervene directly, the United States, France and Britain have established a joint initiative to enhance peacekeeping capacity in Africa. This project, under funded and ill considered, has proven inadequate from the perspective of both African participants and its sponsors. The research examines two case studies — intervention by the OAU in Chad in 1980-1982 and the peacekeeping operation undertaken by ECO WAS in Guinea-Bissau in 1998-1999. These cases confirm that existing mechanisms are ineffective for addressing African intra-state conflict. Moreover, they show that extra-African involvement remains an enduring feature of conflict on the continent. A return to the universal/cosmopolitan impulse in terms of international intervention in African conflicts seems unlikely in the short to medium term. In view of this neglect Africa must continue the project of self-pacification. The West is under a moral duty to set aside narrow national interests and expand and improve its existing peacekeeping capacity enhancement programme.

Thesis (M.M.A.S)--US Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. / Title from title screen (viewed on Apr. 9, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-71).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Colorado, Boulder, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [356]-404).

Chaque partie de l'espace, matérialisée par les frontières terrestres, maritimes ou aériennes est convoitée par les nations qui parviennent à en faire des chasses gardées à l’exception d’une seule composante : le cyberespace. Ce lieu d’échanges et de circulation de l’information s'est affranchi de cet accaparement. C’est ce qui le rend réel pour les utilisations qu’il permet (envois de messages, diffusion des informations en temps réel, formations…) et virtuel (dans la mesure où les réseaux numériques empruntent des voies difficilement localisables) au point de générer des difficultés quant à son encadrement par la loi. Dès lors, le cyberespace s’érige en un espace où il est aisé de cultiver des activités illégales compte tenu des facilités qu’il offre. Les activités illégales épousent des formes pluridimensionnelles et complexes qu’on regroupe sous l’appellation générique de cybercriminalité. De par sa nature et ses subdivisions, la cybercriminalité fait l’objet de réflexions, d’études, de recherches, de mises en place de politiques et d’actions à une échelle nationale et internationale en vue de parvenir à son éradication. Les actions sont menées de manière coordonnée entre les Etats et les institutions. La lutte contre ce phénomène interplanétaire exige la mutualisation des efforts de la part des acteurs des télécommunications, de l’informatique, de toutes les couches professionnelles ainsi que de la part des consommateurs sous réserve qu’ils soient bien informés des risques liés à l’usage du cyberespace. L’étude comparée des systèmes de répression mis en oeuvre dans les espaces européen et ouest-africain permettra de mieux comprendre l’exercice du droit souverain pénal face à la cybercriminalité et l’importance des collaborations entre ces deux espaces communautaires. / Each party of the space, realized by the ground, maritime or air borders is desired by the nations which succeed in making it private grounds with the exception of a single component: the cyberspace. This place of exchanges and circulation of information freed itself from this cornering. It is what makes it real for the uses which it allows (sendings of messages, broadcasting) of real-time information, trainings and virtual (as far as the digital networks follow with difficulty localizable paths) in the point to generate difficulties as for its frame by the law. From then on, the cyberspace sets up itself as a space where it is easy to cultivate illegal activities considering the opportunities which it offers. The illegal activities marry forms pluridimensionnelles and complex which we group under the generic naming of cybercrime. Due to its nature and its subdivisions, the cybercrime is the object of reflections, studies, searches, implementations of politics and of actions in a national and international scale to reach in his eradication. The actions are led in way coordinated between States and institutions. The fight against this interplanetary phenomenon requires the mutualization of the efforts on behalf of the actors of telecommunications, computing, all the professional layers as well as her on behalf of the consumers under reserve that they are informed well about the risks connected for the cyberspace. The study compared by the systems of repression implemented in the European and West-African spaces will allow to understand better the exercise of the penal sovereign right in front of the cybercrime and the importance of collaborations between these two community spaces.

The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.

The field of our study is Francophone African Literature and this thesis explores the themes of marginality and grief both experienced by Princess Akissi in The Blind Kingdom and Princess Pokou in Queen Pokou (2004) during their rise to power in their respective kingdoms. The two novels written by Véronique Tadjo from Ivory Coast, are subjected to thematic analysis because they are both based on similar storylines - that of conflict and rivalry within kingdoms resulting in the exile of the two princesses. One of the novels is set in a pre-colonial period while the other is set in a postcolonial era. Queen Pokou, winner of the 2005 Grand Prix Littéraire d’Afrique Noire (which is the most distinguished prize in Francophone African literature), is a retelling of the founding myths of the Baoulé people of Ivory Coast. In her literary texts, Tadjo transgresses the original legend and her reconstruction of this legend is significant because it challenges the ritual sacrifice made by Princess Pokou in order to free her people and to become queen. In The Blind Kingdom (1990), Tadjo highlights the corruption and injustice of the ruling elite. Space is used to reinforce the King’s domination thus a revolution is necessary to overthrow the exploitative power structures in place. The revolution that takes place relies heavily on the participation of Karim and especially on Princess Akissi who chooses to rebel against her father, King Ato IV in order to stop injustice. This thematic analysis, supported by semiotic theory, aims to establish and demonstrate the relationship between marginality of the two princesses, in particular, and their subsequent grief. It sheds light on the reasons for their exclusion from power as well as the nature of the conflicts that occur as they rise to power. The study postulates that certain myths and images are evoked by the novelist to symbolise the exclusion of the two princesses from power.

M.A. / The HIV and AIDS pandemic has swept through sub-Saharan Africa at an alarming pace, gaining momentum each year as millions of people are infected and affected by the virus. A range of social, political and economic consequences have already begun to emerge as a result of this disease, and a comprehensive response is essential to halt the spread of HIV and AIDS, and to manage the impact of the pandemic. This study examines the response of the two dominant regional organisations in sub- Saharan Africa, namely the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), through an analysis of their policies on HIV and AIDS. The comparison of the HIV and AIDS policies of these regional organisations is conducted by means of three sets of identified indicators, covering education and awareness campaigns, prevention strategies, and treatment and care programmes. Further, the extent to which the regional guidelines contained in the policies are incorporated into the HIV and AIDS policies of member states is discussed with reference to Nigeria and South Africa, identified as the strongest states within their respective groupings with the highest prevalence rates. Given the acknowledged impact of the disease, the regional response is not as comprehensive as would be expected. The SADC policy is generally more elaborative on the key issues than the ECOWAS policy. Vital issues such as the provision of condoms and addressing the disproportionate impact of HIV and AIDS on women are not dealt with, and the overall policies lack detail and practical guidance. In comparison, the policies of member states such as Nigeria and South Africa are far more elaborative, containing creative solutions to daunting problems, although some of the weaknesses identified in the regional HIV and AIDS policies shine through in the national policies of member states. The study concludes that while practical restrictions such as lack of infrastructure, resources, and diverse cultural and religious beliefs hamper the formulation of a single, comprehensive regional policy on HIV and AIDS, the current guidelines provided by both ECOWAS and SADC fall short of the necessary response to a crisis of the magnitude of the HIV and AIDS pandemic. / Prof. Yolanda Sadie

Chaque partie de l'espace, matérialisée par les frontières terrestres, maritimes ou aériennes est convoitée par les nations qui parviennent à en faire des chasses gardées à l’exception d’une seule composante : le cyberespace. Ce lieu d’échanges et de circulation de l’information s'est affranchi de cet accaparement. C’est ce qui le rend réel pour les utilisations qu’il permet (envois de messages, diffusion des informations en temps réel, formations…) et virtuel (dans la mesure où les réseaux numériques empruntent des voies difficilement localisables) au point de générer des difficultés quant à son encadrement par la loi. Dès lors, le cyberespace s’érige en un espace où il est aisé de cultiver des activités illégales compte tenu des facilités qu’il offre. Les activités illégales épousent des formes pluridimensionnelles et complexes qu’on regroupe sous l’appellation générique de cybercriminalité. De par sa nature et ses subdivisions, la cybercriminalité fait l’objet de réflexions, d’études, de recherches, de mises en place de politiques et d’actions à une échelle nationale et internationale en vue de parvenir à son éradication. Les actions sont menées de manière coordonnée entre les Etats et les institutions. La lutte contre ce phénomène interplanétaire exige la mutualisation des efforts de la part des acteurs des télécommunications, de l’informatique, de toutes les couches professionnelles ainsi que de la part des consommateurs sous réserve qu’ils soient bien informés des risques liés à l’usage du cyberespace. L’étude comparée des systèmes de répression mis en oeuvre dans les espaces européen et ouest-africain permettra de mieux comprendre l’exercice du droit souverain pénal face à la cybercriminalité et l’importance des collaborations entre ces deux espaces communautaires. / Each party of the space, realized by the ground, maritime or air borders is desired by the nations which succeed in making it private grounds with the exception of a single component: the cyberspace. This place of exchanges and circulation of information freed itself from this cornering. It is what makes it real for the uses which it allows (sendings of messages, broadcasting) of real-time information, trainings and virtual (as far as the digital networks follow with difficulty localizable paths) in the point to generate difficulties as for its frame by the law. From then on, the cyberspace sets up itself as a space where it is easy to cultivate illegal activities considering the opportunities which it offers. The illegal activities marry forms pluridimensionnelles and complex which we group under the generic naming of cybercrime. Due to its nature and its subdivisions, the cybercrime is the object of reflections, studies, searches, implementations of politics and of actions in a national and international scale to reach in his eradication. The actions are led in way coordinated between States and institutions. The fight against this interplanetary phenomenon requires the mutualization of the efforts on behalf of the actors of telecommunications, computing, all the professional layers as well as her on behalf of the consumers under reserve that they are informed well about the risks connected for the cyberspace. The study compared by the systems of repression implemented in the European and West-African spaces will allow to understand better the exercise of the penal sovereign right in front of the cybercrime and the importance of collaborations between these two community spaces.

Analyzing Chesnutt's fiction from the angle of the West African trickster tradition explains the varying interpretations of his texts and his authorial intentions. The discussion also illustrates the influence that audience and editorial concerns may have had on African-American authors at the turn of the century.

The paper explains a methodology, where previously there was none, for identifying African and diasporan naval personnel hired by the British Royal Navy to serve in the West African Station in the mid-nineteenth century. The methodology employs a variety of naval documents including: ship's musters, description books, daily sick lists, and medical journals to identify African and diasporan personnel. The Royal Navy employed four categories (Kroomen, Liberated Africans, Africans, Blacks) to describe and to differentiate the African and diasporan work force within the Station. By identifying African and diasporan naval personnel more can be learned about the ways in which race and ethnicity were constructed and applied during the age of abolition. It also provides a method capable of examining the shipboard lives and socio-economic niches carved out by 'subject' people within the British maritime Atlantic World.