Le monde du travail connaît actuellement de grandes transformations. Le modèle nord-américain d’organisation syndicale ne semble plus permettre au mouvement syndical de répondre efficacement à ces transformations, favorisant le développement de plusieurs initiatives de renouveau syndical. Pour évaluer les impacts d’initiatives de renouveau syndical, nous avons développé un modèle basé sur le concept de zone syndicale (Haiven, 2003, 2006). Nous avons dû déterminer les facteurs définissant la zone syndicale, comme la littérature était muette à ce sujet. En utilisant d’abord la théorie des déterminants de la densité syndicale (Schnabel, 2003), nous avons intégré au modèle les éléments de la théorie des ressources du pouvoir syndical (Lévesque et Murray, 2010) pour considérer les facteurs internes aux syndicats qui influencent la zone syndicale. L’intégration de ces trois théories dans un modèle unifié constitue une innovation théorique significative. Le modèle a été appliqué à deux centres de travailleurs : le Vermont Workers Center et le Centre des Travailleurs de St-Rémi. Dans les deux cas, ces initiatives ont permis d’élargir la zone syndicale. Par contre, le Centre du Vermont applique les principes du syndicalisme communautaire, en cherchant à développer du leaderhsip chez ses membres (Cranford et Ladd, 2013), alors que celui de St-Rémi applique un syndicalisme de mobilisation, où le leadership s’exerce par les organisateurs syndicaux (Camfield, 2007). Cette différence et leurs différents mandats font que les impacts des deux cas étudiés diffèrent. D’autres études sont nécessaires pour améliorer le modèle proposé. Ce dernier demeure malgré tout un outil pour les chercheurs ou les syndicats qui veulent évaluer des initiatives ou des pratiques syndicales et permettre, à terme, d’augmenter l’influence du mouvement syndical sur le marché du travail et la société. / The labor market is undergoing major changes. The north-american model of union organization seems to not allow the labor movement to respond effectively to these changes, which have contributed to the development of several union renewal initiatives. To evaluate the impacts of union renewal initiatives, we have developped a model based on the concept of union zone (Haiven 2003, 2006). We had to determine the factors defining the union zone, as the litterature was silent about that subject. Using at first the theory of the determinants of the union density (Schnabel, 2003), we have integrated elements of the theory of union power resources (Lévesque and Murray, 2010) to the model to consider the internal factors for the unions that can influence the union zone. The integration of these three theories in one unified model constitute a significant theoritical innovation. The model was applied to two workers centers : the Vermont Workers Center and the St-Rémi Workers Center. In both cases, these union renewal initiatives have enlarged the union zone. On the other side, the Vermont center applies the principles of community unionism, seeking to develop leadership among its members (Cranford and Ladd, 2003), while the St-Rémi center applies the principles of mobilization unionism, in which leadership is exercised rather by union organizers (Camfield, 2007). This difference and their different mandates made the impacts in the two studied cases different. Further studies are needed to improve the proposed model. It remains a tool that can be useful for researchers or unions who want to evaluate the impacts of union initiatives or practices and, eventually, increase the influence of the labor movement on the labor market and society.

O objeto desta tese se constitui do estudo comparativo da Carta dos Direitos Fundamentais da União Europeia e da Declaração Sociolaboral do Mercosul, com o propósito de analisar o processo de participação dos governos, dos patrões e dos trabalhadores na definição das Cartas que regulamentam a livre circulação dos trabalhadores em ambos os blocos. O estudo comparativo das Cartas Sociais possibilitou compreender os processos de elaboração das legislações sociais ocorridos em dois blocos de países, com fundamentos históricos singulares, em fases distintas de integração e com experiências diferentes de regulamentação do livre trânsito da força de trabalho. A comparação das Cartas da União Europeia e do Mercosul permitiu assim desenvolver um estudo mais aprofundado sobre as diferenças e as similitudes existentes entre ambas as Cartas, apesar de as datas de sua elaboração serem bastante distanciadas. A pesquisa das assimetrias entre as Cartas visou, pois, identificar e analisar tanto as origens em sua forma quanto em seu conteúdo, considerando que sua concepção e elaboração nasceram de realidades muito diversas, vigentes tanto nos dois blocos, quanto nos países que os compõem, em face de suas peculiaridades históricas, sociais, econômicas, legislativas e geográficas. A análise das Cartas da União Europeia e do MERCOSUL, e sua relação com as novas exigências da política neoliberal, buscou ainda estabelecer os nexos entre elas e a imobilidade do trabalho em ambos os blocos, uma vez que as Cartas não tiveram grande influência quanto ao número de trabalhadores exercendo suas atividades fora de seus respectivos países de origem, evidenciando a mobilidade do capital, das mercadorias e dos serviços em detrimento da mobilidade do trabalho. Esses aspectos vêm corroborar o fato de que a globalização econômica, a própria resistência dos Estados membros, bem como do empresariado, não permitiram ou inviabilizaram a criação de verdadeiras Cartas sociais. / The object of this research is to present a comparative study of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of European Union and Mercosul Sociolaboral Declaration. Our concern was to analyze the participation process of Governments, of bosses and workers about the definition of the Charter regulating the free circulation of workers between the two Blocks. The comparative study of the Social Charters allowed understanding the elaboration processes of the social legislations that happened into the two Communities Blocks, with their particular foundations, with different integration periods and having different experiences on regulation about the free transition of the work force. Comparing the Charter of European Union and Mercosul Sociolaboral Declaration it was possible to develop a deeper study about the differences and the likenesses between the two agreements, in spite of being their elaboration dates very distant in time. The asymmetric research between the Charters aimed to identify and to analyze either the origins in their shape, either in their content, considering that their conception and elaboration were born from very different realities in vigor either in the two Blocks, either in the communities that compose them, because of their historical, social, economic, legislative and geographic peculiarities. The analytic study of European Union as well as Mercosul Charters and their relation with the new demands of neoliberal politics tried to establish the links between them and the immobilization of work into the two Blocks, because the agreement did not have a great influence on the amount of workers doing their activities out of their original countries, showing, that way, the capital, goods and services mobility in detriment of work. Those aspects corroborate the fact that economic globalization, resistance of the Members States and of the managers as a whole did not allow or made nonviable the creation of true Social Charters.

O objeto desta tese se constitui do estudo comparativo da Carta dos Direitos Fundamentais da União Europeia e da Declaração Sociolaboral do Mercosul, com o propósito de analisar o processo de participação dos governos, dos patrões e dos trabalhadores na definição das Cartas que regulamentam a livre circulação dos trabalhadores em ambos os blocos. O estudo comparativo das Cartas Sociais possibilitou compreender os processos de elaboração das legislações sociais ocorridos em dois blocos de países, com fundamentos históricos singulares, em fases distintas de integração e com experiências diferentes de regulamentação do livre trânsito da força de trabalho. A comparação das Cartas da União Europeia e do Mercosul permitiu assim desenvolver um estudo mais aprofundado sobre as diferenças e as similitudes existentes entre ambas as Cartas, apesar de as datas de sua elaboração serem bastante distanciadas. A pesquisa das assimetrias entre as Cartas visou, pois, identificar e analisar tanto as origens em sua forma quanto em seu conteúdo, considerando que sua concepção e elaboração nasceram de realidades muito diversas, vigentes tanto nos dois blocos, quanto nos países que os compõem, em face de suas peculiaridades históricas, sociais, econômicas, legislativas e geográficas. A análise das Cartas da União Europeia e do MERCOSUL, e sua relação com as novas exigências da política neoliberal, buscou ainda estabelecer os nexos entre elas e a imobilidade do trabalho em ambos os blocos, uma vez que as Cartas não tiveram grande influência quanto ao número de trabalhadores exercendo suas atividades fora de seus respectivos países de origem, evidenciando a mobilidade do capital, das mercadorias e dos serviços em detrimento da mobilidade do trabalho. Esses aspectos vêm corroborar o fato de que a globalização econômica, a própria resistência dos Estados membros, bem como do empresariado, não permitiram ou inviabilizaram a criação de verdadeiras Cartas sociais. / The object of this research is to present a comparative study of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of European Union and Mercosul Sociolaboral Declaration. Our concern was to analyze the participation process of Governments, of bosses and workers about the definition of the Charter regulating the free circulation of workers between the two Blocks. The comparative study of the Social Charters allowed understanding the elaboration processes of the social legislations that happened into the two Communities Blocks, with their particular foundations, with different integration periods and having different experiences on regulation about the free transition of the work force. Comparing the Charter of European Union and Mercosul Sociolaboral Declaration it was possible to develop a deeper study about the differences and the likenesses between the two agreements, in spite of being their elaboration dates very distant in time. The asymmetric research between the Charters aimed to identify and to analyze either the origins in their shape, either in their content, considering that their conception and elaboration were born from very different realities in vigor either in the two Blocks, either in the communities that compose them, because of their historical, social, economic, legislative and geographic peculiarities. The analytic study of European Union as well as Mercosul Charters and their relation with the new demands of neoliberal politics tried to establish the links between them and the immobilization of work into the two Blocks, because the agreement did not have a great influence on the amount of workers doing their activities out of their original countries, showing, that way, the capital, goods and services mobility in detriment of work. Those aspects corroborate the fact that economic globalization, resistance of the Members States and of the managers as a whole did not allow or made nonviable the creation of true Social Charters.

O objeto desta tese se constitui do estudo comparativo da Carta dos Direitos Fundamentais da União Europeia e da Declaração Sociolaboral do Mercosul, com o propósito de analisar o processo de participação dos governos, dos patrões e dos trabalhadores na definição das Cartas que regulamentam a livre circulação dos trabalhadores em ambos os blocos. O estudo comparativo das Cartas Sociais possibilitou compreender os processos de elaboração das legislações sociais ocorridos em dois blocos de países, com fundamentos históricos singulares, em fases distintas de integração e com experiências diferentes de regulamentação do livre trânsito da força de trabalho. A comparação das Cartas da União Europeia e do Mercosul permitiu assim desenvolver um estudo mais aprofundado sobre as diferenças e as similitudes existentes entre ambas as Cartas, apesar de as datas de sua elaboração serem bastante distanciadas. A pesquisa das assimetrias entre as Cartas visou, pois, identificar e analisar tanto as origens em sua forma quanto em seu conteúdo, considerando que sua concepção e elaboração nasceram de realidades muito diversas, vigentes tanto nos dois blocos, quanto nos países que os compõem, em face de suas peculiaridades históricas, sociais, econômicas, legislativas e geográficas. A análise das Cartas da União Europeia e do MERCOSUL, e sua relação com as novas exigências da política neoliberal, buscou ainda estabelecer os nexos entre elas e a imobilidade do trabalho em ambos os blocos, uma vez que as Cartas não tiveram grande influência quanto ao número de trabalhadores exercendo suas atividades fora de seus respectivos países de origem, evidenciando a mobilidade do capital, das mercadorias e dos serviços em detrimento da mobilidade do trabalho. Esses aspectos vêm corroborar o fato de que a globalização econômica, a própria resistência dos Estados membros, bem como do empresariado, não permitiram ou inviabilizaram a criação de verdadeiras Cartas sociais. / The object of this research is to present a comparative study of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of European Union and Mercosul Sociolaboral Declaration. Our concern was to analyze the participation process of Governments, of bosses and workers about the definition of the Charter regulating the free circulation of workers between the two Blocks. The comparative study of the Social Charters allowed understanding the elaboration processes of the social legislations that happened into the two Communities Blocks, with their particular foundations, with different integration periods and having different experiences on regulation about the free transition of the work force. Comparing the Charter of European Union and Mercosul Sociolaboral Declaration it was possible to develop a deeper study about the differences and the likenesses between the two agreements, in spite of being their elaboration dates very distant in time. The asymmetric research between the Charters aimed to identify and to analyze either the origins in their shape, either in their content, considering that their conception and elaboration were born from very different realities in vigor either in the two Blocks, either in the communities that compose them, because of their historical, social, economic, legislative and geographic peculiarities. The analytic study of European Union as well as Mercosul Charters and their relation with the new demands of neoliberal politics tried to establish the links between them and the immobilization of work into the two Blocks, because the agreement did not have a great influence on the amount of workers doing their activities out of their original countries, showing, that way, the capital, goods and services mobility in detriment of work. Those aspects corroborate the fact that economic globalization, resistance of the Members States and of the managers as a whole did not allow or made nonviable the creation of true Social Charters.