Kosovo saknar ett fungerande tandvårdssystem och det ges inga förebyggande åtgärder vilket påverkar munhälsan. För att upprätthålla en god munhälsa krävs en god munhygien och goda kostvanor. Idag finns det många barn och ungdomar som kommer från Kosovo till Sverige, och därför är det intressant att ta reda på om hur ungdomarnas munhygien-, kost- och tandvårdsvanor ser ut i Kosovo. Syfte med studien var att undersöka munhygien- och kostvanor samt tandvårdsvanor hos 16-19 åringar i Prishtina, Kosovo. Material och metod: Studien är en kvantitativ empirisk studie som utfördes med en enkät som innehöll 17 frågor med fasta svarsalternativ. I studien ingick 150 elever i åldrarna 16-19 från två utvalda gymnasieskolor i Prishtina, Kosovo. Resultatet visade att mer än hälften av respondenterna borstade tänderna två gånger per dag, morgon och kväll med tandborste och tandkräm och cirka 80 % använde något approximalt hjälpmedel. Knappt hälften av respondenterna (43 %) intog 5 mål om dagen och de flesta av respondenterna åt frukost, lunch och middag varje dag. Respondenterna hade ett högt intag av sötsaker. Vad gäller tandvårdsvanor var det 70 % som inte besökte tandläkaren regelbundet. Slutsats: Respondenterna hade relativt goda munhygien- och kostvanor men dåliga tandvårdsvanor. / The lack of a functioning dental care system in Kosovo and preventive actions affects the oral health. Good oral habits and good dietary habits are important to maintain a good oral health. Today there are many children and young people living in Sweden, who originally are from Kosovo; therefore it is interesting to investigate young people's oral hygiene, dietary and dental habits in Kosovo. The aim of the study was to investigate the oral habits, dietary habits and dental care habits among students 16-19 years old in Prishtina, Kosovo. Material and methods: The study is a quantitative empirical study. A questionnaire including 17 questions was conducted at two selected secondary schools in Prishtina, Kosovo. A total of 150 students participated. The results showed that more than half of the respondents brushed their teeth twice a day, morning and evening with toothbrush and toothpaste, and about 80 % of the respondents used proximal devices. Less than half of the respondents (43 %) consumed five meals a day and most of the respondents ate breakfast, lunch and dinner daily. The respondents had a high intake of sweets. Regarding dental care habits, 70 % of the respondents did not visit the dentist regularly. Conclusion: The respondents had relatively good oral habits and dietary habits but had bad dental care habits.

Zugl.: Wien, Univ., Diss., 2004

Zugl.: Berlin, Freie Univ., Diss.

Thesis (M.S.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Thesis advisor(s): Cary A. Simon, Raymond E. Franck. "AD-A405 965." Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-124). Also available online.

Thesis (doctoral)--Europa-Universität Viadrina Frankfurt (Oder). / Includes bibliographical references.

Entre 1998 et 1999, plus de 20 000 Albanaises ont été agressées sexuellement par les forces serbes au Kosovo. Loin d’être un évènement singulier, le viol de guerre ne devrait pas constituer une évidence historique. Du moins, c’est dans cette perspective que nous avons choisi de l’étudier : comme un phénomène non évident, dont les origines posent question. Cette interrogation nous a conduits à considérer le silence des survivantes comme un indice : celui qui fait écho à un régime global du discours politique sur la sexualité. La censure discursive sur le sexe révèle les failles du patriarcat : dans sa manière de définir les femmes comme des minorités sexuelles, il participe pleinement à leur précarisation. Il apparait que la sexualité participe à la construction des identités, ainsi que de leur sécurité. À travers le genre, elle limite le champ des possibilités de chacun, et conduit les femmes à devenir des cibles sexuelles en temps de guerre. Sexualité, identité et (in)sécurité sont ainsi liées : ce sont des enjeux politiques inscrits dans des logiques de subordination, que la guerre exacerbe. Ainsi, il ressort de notre démarche intellectuelle, qui se réclame du féminisme, que les origines du recours stratégique au GBV sont polémogènes. Par polémogène, nous entendons la définition du philosophe et polémologue J. Freund : sources de conflits. Notre démarche théorique a donc emprunté au féminisme (matérialiste, postcolonial et queer) et à la polémologie (de G. Bouthoul à J. Freund), les bases conceptuelles à partir desquelles nous avons tenté de construire une science féministe de la guerre. En mettant en lumière les contributions des études de genre à la sociologie des conflits, nous avons dressé une méthodologie nous permettant de répondre à notre problématique. Elle nous a conduits à effectuer une ethnographie critique des pratiques corporelles et discursives à partir desquelles la construction de l’insécurité des Albanaises s’est effectuée dans la communauté albanaise du Kosovo, et la construction de la menace albanaise s’est réalisée du point de vue serbe dans le discours nationaliste. Au cœur de cette dialectique des perceptions albanaises et serbes a émergé la restriction intersectionnelle du champ des possibilités des Albanaises. Et c’est à partir de celle-ci que nous avons reproblématisé le mutisme des survivantes pour souligner les enjeux qu’il représente dans la société kosovare post-conflit. / Between 1998 and 1999, more than 20 000 Albanian women were sexually assaulted by Serbian forces in Kosovo. Far from being a singular event, the war’s rape should not constitute a historical obviousness. At least, it is in this perspective that we chose to study it: like a nonobvious phenomenon, which origins raise questions. This interrogation led us to consider the survivor’s silence as evidence: it echoes a global regime of political discourse about sexuality. The discursive censorship about sex reveals the flaws of patriarchy. In its way of defining women as sexual minorities, it participates integrally to their insecurity. It appears that sexuality participates to the construction of identities, and their security. Through gender, it limits the field of possibilities of each, and conduct women to become sexual targets during armed conflict. Sexuality, identity and (in)security are linked : these are political issues part of subordination logics that war exacerbates. So, it springs from our intellectual approach, which claims to be feminist, that the origins of strategic appeal of GBV are polemogenous, i.e., as philosopher and -polemologist J. Freund defined this term: sources of conflicts. Our theoretical approach borrows from feminism (materialist, postcolonial and queer) and from polemology (from G. Bouthoul to J. Freund) the conceptual bases from which we try to build a feminist science of war. Putting in light the contributions of gender studies to the sociology of conflict, we developed a methodology suited to these problematics. It led us to make a critical ethnography of corporal and discursive practices from which the construction of the Albanian women’s insecurity was done in the Albanian community in Kosovo, and the construction of the Albanian threat was achieved in the Serbian point of view in the nationalist discourse. Inside this dialectic between the Albanian and the Serbian perceptions emerged the intersectional restriction of Albanian women’s field of possibilities. From there, we re-problematized the survivor’s mutism to underline the issues it embodies in the post-conflict Kosovar society.

[pt] A literatura de prevenção de conflitos violentos que trata de eficácia da ação preventiva ressalta que as chances de sucesso tendem a aumentar quando a prevenção é estrutural e quando a abordagem é multissetorial. A pesquisa realizada indica que, antes de se falar na eficácia da ação preventiva, deve-se verificar a existência das condicionantes da ação preventiva, que limitam ou favorecem o envolvimento de atores internacionais. Argumenta-se que a ação preventiva internacional está condicionada a três elementos: (i) a construção de um conceito de prevenção; (ii) a criação de mecanismos que visem à implementação de tal conceito; e (iii) a interpretação do contexto local como sendo passível de interferência com objetivos preventivos. A pesquisa conclui que, nos casos do Kosovo e da ex-República Iugoslava da Macedônia, a promoção do discurso de prevenção por atores internacionais não leva necessariamente à sua adaptação institucional. Além disso, ainda que mecanismos estejam disponíveis aos potenciais preventores internacionais, só serão implementados se a situação concreta for interpretada como passível de prevenção. Destaca-se ainda que os casos em estudo reforçam o entendimento da literatura ao demonstrar que as chances de sucesso das medidas preventivas foram menores no Kosovo devido à inação e à ação superficial, tardia e descoordenada de alguns atores internacionais. A ação preventiva na Macedônia, por sua vez, teve maiores chances de sucesso porque teria sido estrutural e multissetorial - devido à interpretação que se fez do contexto local na época da iminência das crises. / [en] According to the literature of conflict prevention who deals with the effectiveness of preventive action, chances of success tend to rise when prevention is structural, and when it occurs within a multitrack framework. The results of this research indicate that, before dealing with the effectiveness of preventive action, one must verify the conditionalities of preventive action, which limit or encourage the involvement of international actors in the prevention of violent conflicts. It is argued that international preventive action is conditioned by three elements: (i) the construction of a concept of conflict prevention; (ii) the creation of mechanisms to implement the concept; and (iii) the interpretation of the local context as being preventable by international interference. In the cases of Kosovo and of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the promotion of a preventive discourse by international actors is not enough to induce to institutional changes. Besides, even when mechanisms are available to potential international preventors, they would only be implemented if the situation in loco is interpreted as being preventable. The cases under analysis reinforce the main argument of the literature and demonstrate that chances of success of preventive action were lower in Kosovo because of inaction and also superficial, late and uncoordinated action of the few relevant actors. In its turn, preventive action in Macedonia had higher chances of success because it was a structural and multitrack effort of different actors, thanks to the interpretation of the situation in loco on the very edge of the crises.

Pre-university Educational System and inequalities in Kosovo Edona Begu Master thesis Abstract The institutional structure of the education system is crucial for understanding the educational inequalities. Kosovo is a young country and its education system is undergoing major reforms. Hence, studies and research in the impact that the educational system arrangement has on inequalities barley exist. The main goal of this thesis was to understand the institutional setting of pre-university education system in Kosovo and its impact in inequalities, especially in terms of labour market outcomes, social status outcomes and educational outcomes. After evaluation of Kosovo's education system along standardization and stratification dimensions introduced by Allmendinger, in the widely known typology for educational inequalities, Kosovo's pre-university education resulted to be highly standardized and highly stratified. Thus, the quality of education provision is uniform for all the students, which is reflected in their similar educational outcomes in PISA test. However, the students are stratified in different tracks, which influence and restrict their future outcomes in labour market and their status in the society. These conclusions were backed up with secondary data analysis which states that there are no...

Zugl.: Neubiberg, Universiẗat der Bundeswehr München, Diss., 2005.

Avec la venue du web 2.0 et de la généralisation de l'usage de l'internet, une nouvelle tranche de la population s'immisce dans les usages de l'histoire. Partant du cas du Kosovo dans l'encyclopédie Wikipédia , il est possible d'observer comment l'usage des nouveaux médias contribue à la construction de la perception et de la représentation des récits nationaux. Quels sont les effets d'une participation par la population générale sur les représentations des nouvelles nations? L'encyclopédie Wikipédia est un symbole du web 2.0 et le Kosovo un exemple de cheminement national actuel avec la proclamation d'indépendance du 17 février 2008. Ceci est sans compter tout le passé récent des Balkans. Cette étude permet d'affirmer que les nouveaux médias de communication ne changent pas la manière d'élaborer les récits nationaux et que l'accroissement de la participation s'inscrit encore dans les théories actuelles dominantes de l'historiographie de ce sujet. Par contre, le web devient essentiel et une vitrine incontournable dans le portrait médiatique actuel pour transmettre ces messages et ainsi influencer la perception des internautes sur la validité ou non d'une indépendance.