Cette thèse traite de la manière dont les médias et, en particulier, la presse écrite, construit l’identité nationale en période de crise. La problématique est circonscrite dans un espace et temps précis, à savoir la guerre du Kosovo (mars-juin 1999). Pourquoi insister sur l’identité nationale (grecque) dans un contexte de nationalismes (balkaniques)? Parce que nous sommes habitués à considérer les nations comme des centres ethniques fixés une fois pour toutes et capables de voyager immuables dans le Temps. On oublie ainsi que les nations se définissent à partir d’un enjeu circonscrit dans un temps et un espace précis. Et c’est cet enjeu que crée le cadre de l’interaction des acteurs sociaux. Ainsi, plus qu’une liste de critères identitaires, pour la plupart culturels, c’est l’interaction entre Nous et les Autres qui définit notre identité. Insister sur le contenu substantiel de la nation crée souvent des « identités meurtrières » (A. Maalouf) ; en revanche, considérer l’identité comme un fait social et politique pourrait ouvrir de nouvelles perspectives de co-existence pour les communautés nationales. Pourquoi nous intéresser à la presse écrite? Il y a deux raisons à cela. La première : la crise du Kosovo fut un événement hautement médiatisé. Or, « si l’image nous a fait vivre une guerre en direct, ou a prétendu le faire, l’écrit nous a permis de discuter du bien-fondé des différentes positions en présence » (M. Lits, R. Amossy). Du coup, le rôle de la presse dans la formation de l’opinion publique est considérable. La deuxième raison de notre intérêt tient au caractère politique de la presse, surtout dans un pays marqué par un bipartisme rigide dont les journaux quotidiens sont le miroir idéologique. En fait, la presse quotidienne grecque n’est pas un agent neutre qui rapporte tout simplement les faits. Elle re-construit les événements à travers son prisme idéologique et parle des Autres, des acteurs occidentaux et balkaniques qui sont impliqués dans la guerre du Kosovo en véhiculant des stéréotypes et des représentations collectives. Mais, en parlant des Autres, la presse parle également de la Grèce. En cela, elle soutient le processus identitaire grec que la crise du Kosovo déclenche.

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Försvarsmakten deltar i allt större utsträckning i operationer utomlands. Hittills har dock inte artilleriförband deltagit men möjligheten att tungt understöd kan komma att behövas verkar inte minska.  Syftet med min forskning är att försöka belysa och ta tillvara de slutsatser som dragits av svenska förband inom funktionen indirekt eld vid internationella operationer. På detta vis hoppas jag kunna bidra till att begränsa de problem som hittills har funnits och ta tillvara vad som har fungerat bra.  Problemformuleringen lyder: Vilka faktorer samt hur har dessa påverkat användandet av funktionen indirekt eld vid svenska internationella insatser?  Jag har genomfört en fallstudie på det indirekta eldsystemets nyttjande i Kongo och Kosovo. För inhämtning av information har jag använt mig av tekniken enkätundersökning samt intervju. Några av de viktigaste resultat jag erhållit är att personalen inom funktionen indirekt eld måste ha djup förståelse och en bred kunskapsbank inom artilleritjänsten för att kunna lösa problem som kan uppkomma vid internationell tjänst. Lika självklart är att de också måste kunna fungera som en skyttepluton. Allt är beroende inom vilken konfliktnivå artilleriet kommer att verka. Vidare har det utifrån resultatet även framkommit att för att få verka inom Rules of Engagement måste det fastställas vilka krav som gäller på de underrättelser som eldledningsgrupperna presenterar. Detta för att ge ett bra beslutsunderlag så att processen från upptäckt till verkan går snabbare.

<p>In my paper I have examined the United Nations role in the democratization of Kosovo. In order to complete this purpose I have asked two questions</p><p>• How has the UN contributed to the democratization of Kosovo that has taken place so far?</p><p>• What advantages and/or disadvantages has the UN presence in Kosovo had from a democratic perspective?</p><p>The method I have used in my paper is a qualitative one, and more specified a qualitative text analysis. This means that I have examined a rather small number of sources, but in return I have analyzed these sources very carefully. In addition to the choice of a qualitative method I have used Robert A. Dahl’s theory about polyarcy as a definition of democracy.</p><p>The results from my analysis are that the UN has done some work in favour of the democratization of Kosovo, but the UN has also acted in a way which restrains democratization of Kosovo in many ways. The main reason why the UN hinders the democratization of Kosovo is it’s unwillingness to let go of its power over the region to the local officials.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences</p><p>Course: PO 5363, Political Science</p><p>Title: Kosovo & Montenegro – Why Different Outcomes?</p><p>Author: Mimoza Ardolic</p><p>Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt</p><p>Date: 2008-01-15</p><p>The purpose of this study has been to assess why the pursuit for independence turned out to be a matter of such difficulty in the case of Kosovo and not in Montenegro, seeing as they are two apparent similar cases.</p><p>The research questions are:</p><p> How can it be that two analogous situations where two regions (Kosovo and Montenegro), quite similar in several aspects, want independence from the same country (Serbia) result in so different outcomes?</p><p> Why has Kosovo’s attempt to achieve self-government been such a difficulty?</p><p> Why did Montenegro manage to achieve autonomy without (great) difficulties?</p><p>The findings are that despite the similarity between these two cases, they have ample differing characteristics as well. The factors detected are that whilst the Kosovo conflict is characterized by: a troublesome history, no common ground, an existing deep hatred, Russian opposition and the nationalist Milošević; the Montenegrin case is set apart by: an intertwining, rather peaceful history, friendly relations, Russian cordiality and the nationalist Djukanović.</p><p>The interpretation of these elements according to the nationalist theory is as follows: Milošević and Djukanović (and their ideology: nationalism) are the real causes. The other elements are mere means to their ambition for nation building. The difference between these two men and the elements (their means) explains the different outcomes in the two cases.</p>

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The purpose with the study is to see if it is possible to create well functioning and democratic government and parliament in Kosovo, within a near future thru social capital.</p><p> </p><p>I have some research questions that will help me reach my purpose:</p><p> </p><p>1. Are Kosovo‘s institutions effective and democratic today?</p><p>2. Does social capital exist in Kosovo today?</p><p>3. Are there satisfactory opportunities for building well functioning, democratic institutions in the future?</p><p>4. Are there any obstacles on the way for building well functioning, democratic institutions in the future?</p><p> </p><p>My study is based mostly on qualitative interviews with social scientists, political scientists, historian, citizens and other people that would give me useful answers to my questions.</p><p> </p><p>My results shows that Kosovos government and parliament are not well functioning democratic institutions. The extent of social capital is also very low or not existing at all. The lack of social capital is not the explanation to the fact that Kosovo‘s institutions are not well developed. There are many other things that explains the institutional situation better.</p><p> </p><p>The answer to my purpose is that it is not possible to develop well functioning democratic institutions in Kosovo within a near future. Institutional Development takes time as Robert Putnam argues and the obstacles are to great to over win witin a near future.</p>

Dissertation--Rechtswissenschaftliche Fakultät--Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel, 2002. / Bibliogr. p. 269-275.

This thesis is an analysis based on the problem of defining a humanitarian intervention and argues when or not, it is appropriate to operate it. The interest lies in finding out whether the argument itself is justifiable,not whether the act of interference was justifiable. My hypothesis is that both private and international operatios misuse the definition "humanitarian interventions" as an excuse to trespass the laws of war. Behind the idea of protecting human rights, freedom and democracy, is the liberalist idea of all individuals being equal. The respect for their freedom and rights drives outside actors to intervene when crimes are comitted against them. I wished to discuss Nato's argument for "the Right to Intervene" in order to avoid ahumanitarian crises in Kosovo 1999. I intended to try the intellectual validity and reasoning behind their argument but it was more difficult than I'd expected. Because the sources to their statements were inconclusive, the conclusion turned out to be difficult to assess, though there is a vague idea of Nato's point of view being unreasonable in comparison to their actions.

The purpose of this essay is to examine why some countries in the world decided to support Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008, while others did not. The essay is a type of case study, with Kosovo’s independence as the main focus. For the purpose of the essay, main focus will be on the United States of America, Russia, China and Serbia. The countries’ actions will be examined through the theoretical perspectives presented in the book Essence of Decision: Rational Actor Model, Organizational Behavior and Governmental Politics. The conclusion drawn is that countries put their own interests before the good of the international community, sometimes putting other countries at risk of conflict or war, to achieve their own goals. This can be seen in the cases of Russia and China especially, as they did not accept Kosovo’s independence partly because they have similar conflicts in their own states to that of Serbia’s with Kosovo.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Montana, 2008. / Title from title screen. Description based on contents viewed Aug. 7, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 80-83).