Nationalist discourse has played an important role in the breakup of Yugoslavia, with particularly extensive influence on the future of the republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The tensions raised by ethno-nationalist rhetoric would lead to a 1992-1995 War that effectively segregated the population of Bosnia into three ethnic camps and destroyed the country's trademark multiculturalism. Bosnia emerged from the war as a weak union of two ethno-territories; the Bosniak-Croat Federation (FBiH) and the Serb-dominated Republic of Srpska (RS). During the first post-war decade, it made considerable progress towards reconciliation and Euro-Atlantic integrations. However, in May of 2006 the Prime Minister of RS Milorad Dodik made first of a series of comments that advocated the right of RS to hold independence referendum, signalizing a major return of inflammatory and divisive ethno-nationalist rhetoric. What we can call "RS Referendum Discourse" is not exactly a new object or desire, but its articulation and expression from 2006 onwards deserves careful consideration on its own merits. This thesis seeks to document the emergence and performative structure of the RS Referendum Discourse through a textual analysis of how it was registered and recorded in two Bosnian daily newspapers. The research is an empirical study of nationalism as expressed in discourse on the future of the Bosnian state. / Master of Arts

yes / The transformation dynamics of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosovo rubs salt into the war wounds of economically vulnerable sectors of society in a context of fragile political and security situations, complex or ambiguous constitutional status and an imprecise and contested balance of power between international direction and local ownership. The protectors have been imposing a model of economic transformation, ultimately derived from the neoliberal economic ideology of aggressive capitalism and the 1989 Washington consensus on developmentalism. The inhabitants of war-torn societies have often clung to clientism, shadow economic activities and resistance to centrally-audited exchange. This paper contends that what is sometimes portrayed as a clash between neoliberal modernity and a pre-modern `Balkan way¿ is questionable in its dyadic assumptions and its underestimation of linkages between the spheres of neoliberalism and nationalist¿mafia¿clientism.

Yes / Nelson Mandela, speaking of peace parks said “I know of no political movement, no philosophy, no ideology, which does not agree with the concept of peace parks … in a world beset by conflict and division peace is one of the cornerstones of the future … in the entire world” The IUCN publication, Transboundary Protected Areas for Peace and Co-operation[1], lists over 600 such regions and defines Parks for Peace as: “transboundary protected areas that are formally dedicated to the protection and maintenance of biological diversity, and of natural and associated cultural resources, and to the promotion of peace and co-operation”. The single Prokletije mountain range is divided by three borders. It is one of the most beautiful and untouched areas of high natural habitat in Europe. One of the aims here is to preserve this most outstanding area of natural beauty and value, as well as making a contribution towards peace and stability in the region, promoting the growth of community between ethnic and religious groups. Interest in a peace park for this area has already been activated in Belgrade, Peć, Plav, Podgorica, Shkodra, Tirana, Plav and elsewhere, although, as Franz Stummann observed, “Politicians don’t see what’s happening on the borders” [2]. It has been said that "borders constitute the main cause of wars ... neighboring countries are the most prone to fight. The danger of violence creeps around borders" [3]. Despite considerable skepticism initially, a "peace park", covering a wide geographical area has been developing for the past decade in the area surrounding the meeting point in the high remote mountains of Kosovo/Albania/Montenegro. Each of these aspire to EU membership. There are already many people, NGOs, local and national authorities working on ongoing relevant projects within the area, as well as dialoguing, across the borders.

On February 17, 2008 Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia and the event spurred significant media attention. Countries like Spain, Romania, and Russia feared that the event would engender separatism on their own territories, while the U.S., Germany, France, Italy, and UK regarded it as a democratic step. This thesis uses the framing theory to content analyze newspaper articles in seven languages (N=191) that appeared between November 17, 2007 and May 17, 2008, three months before and three months after Kosovo became an independent state. The thesis uses the five generic frames (responsibility, human interest, consequences, morality, and conflict) developed by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) as well as the three 'macro-frames' (cynicism, speculation, and metacommunication) established by Constantinescu and Tedesco (2007). Results revealed that media from the countries that supported the Kosovo independence framed the event from the perspective of democracy and were almost twice more likely to discuss the position of the U.S., a key decision- maker in the Kosovo issue, than media from the countries that opposed it. Furthermore, newspaper articles from countries that did not support the event were nearly three times more inclined to present the Kosovo independence from the perspective of a precedent for separatism in Europe and the world. By applying the framing theory in an international study, this thesis sheds light on the discrepancies in media coverage from these different democratic systems. / Master of Arts

A tese trata de certos aspectos do direito internacional na atividade de administração territorial desempenhada pelas Nações Unidas, e tem Kosovo como estudo de caso. O caso de Kosovo revela que a comunidade internacional faz uso de um contexto político propício para ter a possibilidade de atuar sem grandes constrangimentos na qualidade de gestora da vida pública de territórios a partir de leituras seletivas de normas internacionais. Por um lado, a ampliação e a desobstrução da agenda do Conselho de Segurança em um cenário pós-guerra fria permite uma interpretação expansiva das prerrogativas de implementação de missões de paz sob a égide da ONU, seus objetivos e possíveis controles. Por outro, em um cenário pós-descolonização, quando se poderiam destacar certos limites para a atuação dessa atividade de administração territorial e permitir aos habitantes governados maior controle sobre seu destino a partir das normas de autodeterminação dos povos, opta-se por leituras oscilantes e condicionadas a interesses políticos. Ao analisar a atuação da ONU vis-à-vis os habitantes de Kosovo demonstram-se práticas que podem tanto excluir os kosovares da gestão dos seus negócios públicos quanto apoiar informalmente um dos lados do conflito de acordo com interesses alhures, em desconsideração ao quadro jurídico estabelecido pela resolução do Conselho de Segurança e às narrativas históricas das comunidades imaginadas que compõem a região. / The thesis deals with certain aspects of international law in regard to the activity of territorial administration carried out by the United Nations and it has the mission in Kosovo as the study case. The Kosovo case reveals that the international community made use of a favorable political environment to make selective readings of international norms and operated, without major constraints, as the manager of public life in such territories. On the one hand, the expansion and clearance of the Security Councils agenda in the post-Cold War scenario allows a broad reading of the UN prerogatives regarding the establishment of peacekeeping missions, and the setting of the goals and controls of such missions. On the other, in a post-decolonization context, that certain limits for the performance of the activity of territorial administration could be highlighted thereby enabling the governed more control over their destiny according to the right of self-determination, ambiguous readings conditioned by political interests are opted for instead. By analyzing the activities of the UN vis-à-vis the inhabitants of Kosovo, it is possible to point out practices that can both exclude the Kosovar from the management of their own public affairs and informally support one side of the conflict according to interests set elsewhere, with disregard for the legal framework established by the Security Council resolution and the historical narratives of imagined communities of the region.

Durant les opérations de reconstruction qui ont eu lieu à la suite des conflits en Bosnie-Herzégovine (1992-1995) et au Kosovo (1998-1999), d’importants moyens ont été déployés par des organisations internationales pour réformer les espaces médiatiques bosnien et kosovar en vue de les dépolitiser. Ces réformes visaient notamment la création d’instances de réglementation des médias et la transformation du secteur de la radiodiffusion, qui s’avérait problématique en raison de la présence de médias relayant des discours incitant leur auditoire à la haine ethnique ou religieuse. Ces initiatives en matière de réglementation des médias et de réforme du secteur de la radiodiffusion ont nécessité des investissements considérables. Elles ont aussi généré des débats animés, qui ont révélé des divergences importantes entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans ces processus de réforme. En Bosnie, par exemple, l’élaboration de la loi relative au système de radiodiffusion publique a provoqué des échanges acrimonieux entre les responsables du Bureau du Haut Représentant et l’ambassade américaine. Au Kosovo, les initiatives de réglementation de la presse kosovare menées par l’OSCE et l’ONU ont été vivement critiquées par des ONG de défense de la presse qui les associaient à de la censure.Comment expliquer ces débats qui dévoilent différentes philosophies d’intervention en matière de réforme des médias? En procédant à une étude des théories normatives de la presse et de la littérature spécialisée, nous avons élaboré deux idéaux-types : l’« approche américaine » et l’« approche ouest-européenne ». Les caractéristiques de ces deux concepts idéal-typiques nous ont permis d’analyser les données recueillies durant notre recherche, incluant 50 entrevues, dont plusieurs avec des acteurs diplomatiques qui ont été au cœur de ces processus de réforme. Ce faisant, nous avons construit quatre propositions qui dévoilent les principales conclusions avancées dans cette thèse. Nous suggérons notamment que les approches des acteurs impliqués dans les processus de réforme des médias en Bosnie et au Kosovo peuvent être éclairées par certaines normes dominantes des environnements médiatiques aux États-Unis et en Europe de l’Ouest, ce qui permet une meilleure compréhension de leurs débats et leurs divergences. / During the interventions that followed the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995) and in Kosovo (1998-1999), important resources were engaged by international organizations to reform the Bosnian and Kosovan media space. These reforms were aimed at the depoliticization of the media environment through the establishment of media regulatory bodies and the transformation of the broadcasting sector, which had caused concern due to the presence of propagandist media that were inciting ethnic and religious hatred.Media regulatory and broadcasting reforms implemented in Bosnia and Kosovo required significant investments. Most interestingly, these reforms caused heated debates that revealed significant differences of view among the actors involved. In Bosnia, for instance, the development of a law targeting the public broadcasting system generated a sometimes acrimonious debate between the Office of the High Representative in Bosnia and the American embassy. In Kosovo, initiatives to regulate the media by the OSCE mission and the United Nations were vigorously criticized by NGOs defending freedom of the press, arguing that such measures amounted to censoring of the media. How can we explain these debates, which reveal different intervention philosophies with regards to media reforms? In light of an analysis of the normative theories of the press and of the relevant scientific literature, we have developed two ideal-types: the “American approach” and the “West-European approach”. These two concepts facilitated the analysis of the data collected during this doctoral research. The data included the information gathered from fifty interviews, many of which were conducted with policy makers and diplomats that played a key role in these reforms. The data collection and analysis, achieved through an iterative process, allowed us to develop four propositions, which reveal the main findings of this research. We suggest, among other things, that the approaches of the actors involved in the media reform processes in Bosnia and Kosovo can be explained in light of some of the media environments’ dominant norms in the United States and in Western Europe, which clarifies in turn the different perspectives of these actors and the debates that resulted.

Cette thèse étudie le système énergétique de 4 États : L’Albanie, le Kosovo, la Macédoine, la Serbie, appartenant aux Balkans occidentaux. Ils possèdent peu de ressources, les infrastructures restent souvent anciennes. Mais, avec l’instauration des grands projets gaziers internationaux, cet espace deviendra une zone transitaire essentielle, entre les pays producteurs gaziers (Asie centrale, la Russie, la Méditerranée orientale et le Moyen-Orient) et l’Europe occidentale. Les rapports de force y règnent pourtant. Ils sont liés à la sécurité énergétique et aux affrontements passés ou récents, mal stabilisés. La confrontation géoéconomique l’emporte sur la coopération technique. Des acteurs extérieurs, d’abord la Russie et l’Union européenne, mais aussi la Chine, la Turquie et les États-Unis, interviennent. L’énergie est un enjeu régional et mondial ; il renvoie au registre de la puissance. / This thesis studies the energy sectors of 4 countries part of the Western Balkans: Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia. These countries are relatively poor in energy resources and their energy infrastructure is outdated and in dire need of modernization. However, in view of the colossal natural gas projects between Western Europe and gas-rich countries in the east, this area is emerging as an important transit area between the Russian Federation, former Soviet Union countries and eventually other countries in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. This reflects the evolving balance of power in the Western Balkans, which is shaped by their quest for energy security and the heritage of previous unresolved conflicts. As a result, geoeconomic competition trumps over cooperation. Moreover, external powers, first and foremost, the European Union and Russia, but also Turkey, the United States and China, intervene to safeguard their interests. Hence, energy is a crucial regional and world issue; and an important factor of power.

A partir da década de 1990, a abordagem das operações de paz sofreu transformações em campo, uma vez que passaram a se envolver com atividades de reconstrução de Estados (statebuilding), que haviam sido destruídos por conflitos internos. Dessa forma, o seu grau de intervenção em âmbito doméstico se ampliou, desafiando a noção de soberania territorial e o princípio de não intervenção. A UNMIK é uma operação de paz desse tipo, mas é a mais ousada por ter assumido uma administração interina em Kosovo, ex-província iugoslava. Essa intervenção internacional foi justificada pela proteção dos direitos humanos da comunidade albanesa, maioria da população de Kosovo, que havia sido massacrada por uma política de limpeza étnica entre 1998 e 1999, perpetrada por Slobodan Milosevic. Do momento de sua implementação (1999) à independência autodeclarada do território (2008), a UNMIK desempenhou papel de representante local ao ocupar espaços dos poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário de Kosovo e, ao mesmo tempo, foi emissária da comunidade internacional para manutenção da paz e da segurança internacional nessa zona de conflito. O seu principal objetivo era estabelecer um Estado de Direito por meio da democratização das estruturas de governo e da liberalização do mercado. Até hoje, a operação de paz não se desvencilhou de suas atribuições governamentais, permanecendo ali por tempo indeterminado. / From the 1990s, the approach of the peacekeeping operations have changed in the field, once they started undertaking state building activities in war-torn states. In this way, their intervention level in the local dimension increased, challenging the notion of territorial sovereignty and the non-intervention principle. UNMIK is one of this kind of peacekeeping operation, but this is the most audacious one, once it was in charge of an interim administration in Kosovo, the former Yugoslav province. This international intervention was justified by the human rights protection of the Albanian community, the majority of the Kosovo population, who was massacred due to an ethnic cleansing policy between 1998 and 1999, undertaken by Slobodan Milosevic. From its implementation (1999) to the self-declared independence of the territory (2008), UNMIK had played a local representative role exercising Executive, Legislative and Judiciary powers in Kosovo and, at the same time, it was an emissary of international community for the maintenance of peace and international security in this zone of conflict. Its main goal was to establish the Rule of Law through the democratization of government structures and market liberalization. So far, the peacekeeping operation has not been able to pull itself away from its governmental duties, remaining there indefinitely.

The inter-ethnic conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo have persisted since the war in Kosovo in 1999, even though it has been improved in recent years. A friendly relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo is vital for the future of Kosovo, and for the security in the Balkan region. The aim with this study is to explain how the relationship between Serbs and Albanians has changed since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008. Interviews have been conducted with six Serbs and six Albanians living in Kosovo. The interviews were mainly based on three key moments which were considered to have had an influence on the inter-ethnic relationship. The results from the interviews showed that these three key moments have resulted in antagonism between, but also within the two ethnic groups. However, the growth of antagonism seems to have been a consequence of how politicians and media on both sides in Kosovohave handled these key moments, rather than as a consequence of the key moments per se.

Zugl.: Konstanz, Univ., Diss., 2006. / Includes bibliographical references.