本論文乃是運用心理研究法中之政治人格理論，以及佛洛伊德 (S. Freud, 1856--19 39) 心理分析理論，作為研究的概念架構，並且參考拉斯威爾(H。D. Lasswell)所提 出的政治人(Political man) 及權力(Power) 概念，將康有為氏的一生作一整體之研 究，透過其表現的政治行為以及發表過的文字，對其政治人格特質、形成過程及原因 ，做一嘗試性的分析論述。 全文分為七章，一冊，約五萬字左右。

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:34:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rosana Helena Nunes.pdf: 803341 bytes, checksum: 0605f65f9c888c9e89feaf566363177c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-12-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study is developed in the field of discourse analysis and examines the processes of building the identity of political man in two speeches made by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: one as president of the recently founded Workers Party in 1981, and the other as president of Brazil in 2003. The methodological procedures informing the analysis are mainly derived from the discursive semiotics of Algirdas Julien Greimas (1979) and his disciples, in particular Bernard Lamizet (1992) and Eric Landowski (1989 and 1997), who poses the subject's identity as formed through intermediation of the Other. From this perspective, the analysis focuses on the processes of building, assimilating and transforming the identity of Lula as politician, with the point of reference being the notion of labor - since the latter is the main theme throughout his political career. Analysis of the two speeches points to the constant promise of renewal in accordance with the notion of bricolage (in the Claude Lévi- Straussian sense) and it is recognized that the parties opposing the PT in ideological terms mediated his transformation in terms of identity. In his trade-unionist speech, labor is seen as an instrument of controlling power, as fundamental for the struggle against the ruling class and creating the dysphoric opposition between employee (exploited) and employer (exploiter). In his speech as president, dysphoria is disassembled; labor loses the sense of control to be given that of driver for progress, causing the subject-president to become "dissimilar" to the working class and similar to the ruling class, thus characterizing the process of the former's assimilation / A pesquisa desenvolveu-se no campo da análise do discurso e examinou os processos da construção da identidade do homem político em dois discursos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: na presidência do recém fundado Partido dos Trabalhadores, em 1981, e na presidência do Brasil, em 2003. Os procedimentos metodológicos que nortearam a análise foram fornecidos, principalmente, pela semiótica discursiva de Algirdas Julien Greimas (1979) e seus discípulos, sobretudo, por Eric Landowski (1989 e 1997), que postula que a identidade do sujeito se forma pela intermediação de um Outro, assim como por Bernard Lamizet (1992), que define política como atividade de mediação. Nessa perspectiva, a análise focalizou os processos de construção, assimilação e transformação identitária do político Lula, tendo como referência a noção de trabalho, pois este é o principal mote em todo o seu percurso político. A análise apontou, nos discursos, a constante promessa de renovação segundo a noção de bricolagem (no sentido antropológico de Claude Lévi-Strauss) e reconheceu que os partidos, cuja ideologia se contrapõe à do PT, mediaram sua transformação identitária. Assim, no discurso de sindicalista, a função trabalho é vista como um instrumento de poder controlador, fundamentando a luta contra a classe dominante e criando a polaridade disfórica, empregado (explorado) vs. empregador (explorador); no discurso presidencial, desfez-se a disforia, o trabalho perde o sentido de controle para receber o de impulso para o progresso, motivando o sujeito presidente tornar-se "não-dessemelhante da classe operária e semelhante à classe dominante, caracterizando o processo de assimilação desta

Le présent travail se décline en trois parties, chacune développant un volet de la thèse globale. Premier volet : La genèse de la modernité politique a été l'objet de nombreuses interprétations philosophiques. Au cœur de ces interprétations, le théorème de la sécularisation s'est révélé aussi décisif que discuté. Pour mettre à l'épreuve ce concept, ce premier volet entend faire valoir la fécondité herméneutique de la théologie politique chrétienne, dont le concept central est celui de médiation : d'une part au travers de ses multiples paradigmes, d'autre part, en la confrontant à plusieurs théories philosophiques du XXè siècle. Le deuxième volet, le plus volumineux, s'est donné pour tâche de procéder à l'examen critique de la théologie politique du juriste Carl Schmitt. En quoi offre-t-elle des éléments de réponses pour une adéquation de la théologie politique chrétienne au paradigme moderne et séculier de la condition politique? En quoi conduit-elle à une impasse, qu'il convient de surmonter pour élaborer un nouveau rapport entre christianisme et politique et une pensée de l'histoire ? Pour répondre à cette question, le troisième volet s'est imposé, dans un premier temps, par l'investigation de la philosophie de Rosenzweig dans L'Etoile de la Rédemption, notamment s'agissant de son concept de peuple (juif et chrétien). Dans un deuxième temps, par l'explicitation des divergents-accords entre la thèse de Rosenzweig et celle de Schmitt : celle du Juif hors de l'histoire et du Chrétien dans l'histoire, dont les deux auteurs font un usage diamétralement opposé. C'est à l'aune de ces divergents-accords que la thèse conclusive de l'élaboration d'une théologie « du » politique peut trouver un espace réflexif pour un autre rapport entre une transcendance religieuse et le fondement autonome et séculier d'une philosophie politique de la démocratie. / The present work is laid out in three sections, each of which develops a part of the overall thesis. First section: the origin of political modernity has been the object of numerous philosophical interpretations. At the heart of these interpretations, the concept of secularization has proven to be as decisive as it is contentious. In order to put this concept to the test, this first section seeks to show the value of the hermeneutical fruitfulness to be found in Christian political theology, whose central notion is that of mediation; it does this on the one hand through the multiple paradigms of this latter, and on the other hand by confronting it with several twentieth-century political philosophies. The second section, which is the most important in terms of volume, sets out on a critical examination of the political theology of the jurist Carl Schmitt: to what extent does it offer elements which respond to questions concerning the adequacy of Christian political theology vis-à-vis the modern secular paradigm prevalent in today's political environment? to what extent does it lead to an impasse which needs to be obviated in order to work out a new way of relating Christianity and politics and historical thought? In order to answer this question [translator's note: these questions?], the third section adds various considerations. First of all, it proceeds with an investigation of Rosenzweig's philosophy exhibited in L'Etoile de la Rédemption [The Star of Redemption], notably with regard to his concept of people (Jewish or Christian). Secondly, it details the theories of Rosenzweig and Schmitt with regard to diverging agreement: the place of the Jew outside of history versus the place of the Christian within history. A concept which the two authors take in diametrically opposed directions. It is by taking the measure of these diverging agreements that one arrives at the conclusive thesis, namely the working out of a theory of “the political man”, can find room for flexibility, providing a link between religious transcendence and the autonomous and secular grounding of a political philosophy of democracy.