This thesis examines female gender nonconformity as a behaviour in response to Victorian patriarchal oppression in the female protagonist of Charlotte Brönte's bildungsroman Jane Eyre. Gender nonconforming behaviour is depicted as behaviour that does not obey gender roles or expectations, linking the responsive quality of such behaviours to the traits of hegemonic masculinity exerted by the male characters who represent and perpetuate a patriarchal system: St John Rivers and Edward Rochester. The investigation concludes that not only Jane but also Bertha endure and suffer the oppression that triggers their gender nonconforming behaviours. This thesis has not examined Bertha as an antagonistic version of Jane, nor as the monster in the angel and monster dichotomy which Gilbert and Gubar have pointed out, but as a future version of her. It is concluded as well that Jane is spared of Bertha's destiny because of Rochester's degraded physical condition which does not allow him to assert his dominance over Jane as he did over Bertha. Jane perpetuates the dehumanisation of Bertha to an extent given Bertha's creole ethnicity and dark traits, which Jane uses to demonize Bertha by characterizing her as a wild creature.

Due to the recent war in Iraq, the Middle East has once against jumped to the forefront of everyone's mind. The world has been focused on Iraq and Iran for a decade now because Iran has established a strong foothold in Iraqi life since the toppling of Saddam Hussein. However, in order to understand this issue and attempt to solve it, an extensive study must be made of all the reasons that Iran is succeeding where the United States has not. The purpose of this thesis is to explore the historical influence that Iran, particularly the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), has had on Iraq since its creation. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps has taken over its home country and a historical analysis will chronicle its rise. Case studies of Iran and Iraq will be used to understand the geopolitical, military, economic, and religious reasons for the IRGC's ever-increasing influence. Previous studies and news coverage have only focused on one issue at a time; however, it is rare to find a study which combines all the reasons. This thesis will not only compile an analysis of these reasons, but will also explore and suggest what steps or policies Iraq can adopt in order to prevent it from being a puppet to other world powers.

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Syftet med denna uppsats är att granska två podcaster, en med enbart män och en med enbart kvinnor. Genom en kritisk textanalys på C/O Hannah och Amanda, samt Alex och Sigges podcast, ser vi hur femininitet och maskulinitet manifesteras i respektive podcast. Parallellt med våra observationer i språket jämför vi med tidigare populärkulturell forskning på medier, samt forskning kring femininitet och maskulinitet. Vårt hopp med detta är att kunna se huruvida podcasten, som är hyllat som ett fritt medium, är en plattform för nytänkande eller bakåtsträvande ideal. I vår analys visar vi bland annat hur programledarna använder sitt kön som ett uppträdande. Vi visar exempel på hur de producerar nya, men också bryter, genusmönster, samt lyfter fram hur de i språket visar en medvetenhet som de inte alltid agerar utefter. Vi problematiserar hur språkbruket i podcasten kan ligga till grund för ideal och normer som mottagaren anammar, samt återkopplar till vårt teoretiska ramverk. / The purpose of this paper is to study two podcasts, one with only men, and one with only women. By doing a critical text analysis of C/O Hannah and Amanda, and Alex’s and Sigge’s podcast, we study how femininity and masculinity are manifested in the podcasts. Parallel to our observations of the language, we compare our results to earlier research of popular cultural studies of media. We aim to see how the podcast, acclaimed to be a free medium, is a possible platform for new thinking or retrogressive values. In our analysis, we give examples of how the podcast hosts use their gender as a performance. We give examples of how they produce new, but also break, habits of gender patterns, and how they seem to be conscious about their choice of words, but not always implement this knowledge in their language. We problematize how the podcast language may make ground for values and norms for the receiver to adopt, and resubmit to our theoretical framework.

Using a comparative trend analysis for fifteen states in the Middle East during President George W. Bush's eight year administration, this paper provides one method for answering the research question, "What was the priority/focus of U.S. Middle East policy during the W. Bush Administration?" Within the context of international relations theories neorealism, neoliberalism, and neoconservatism, U.S. policy is broken down into three policy priorities: stability, security, and democracy promotion and measured for each state for each year of the administration. Line graphs illustrate the changes from year to year and linear trend lines indicate the direction of change as positive, negative, or neutral. The results are used to validate the three working hypotheses: 1) if the U.S. views stability as paramount, then its foreign policy will be to support the status quo regimes, 2) if the U.S. wants to maintain security, then its foreign policy will be to demonstrate power projection via its military, and 3) if the U.S. aims at democracy promotion, the its foreign policy will be to implement economic aid and assistance programs to reform non-democratic governments and strengthen existing democratic institutions. Eleven states confirmed the stability hypothesis, nine states confirmed the security hypothesis, and twelve states confirmed the democracy promotion hypothesis. There was no discernable pattern between the trends across states indicating that the U.S. consistently pursued one policy priority over the others. There were only two complete cases in which a state had only one positive trending policy priority. / Master of Arts

According to Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, our postmodern era and its correlate political problematic requires a shift in positing socialist strategy. Their wager is that by shifting away from essentialist Marxism, and towards a post-Marxist theory of hegemony which they adapt from Gramsci, the analytic for overturning contemporary hegemony will take the form of a radical democratic politics. My contention is that in shifting away from essentialist Marxism through their post-structuralist deconstructive stance, Laclau and Mouffe overstep and make their analytic for socialist strategy impotent. In order to show where Laclau and Mouffe have gone wrong I use primarily the work of Michel Foucault and Slavoj Žižek in order to demonstrate how a post-structuralist theory of ideology need not be a post-Marxist theory of ideology. / Master of Arts

Submitted by FABIANA DA SILVA FRANÇA (fabiana21franca@gmail.com) on 2018-02-23T18:58:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivo Total.pdf: 1918740 bytes, checksum: 32bae07f33ce225df16f18d8eaecf3be (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-23T18:58:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivo Total.pdf: 1918740 bytes, checksum: 32bae07f33ce225df16f18d8eaecf3be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-25 / This research aimed to analyze the democratic manangement in the construction processes and approval of the national education plan - PNE (2014-2024). It sought to presentethe debates and clashes in the state and civil society around the object of analysis. For this, we took as reference the conceptof enlarged state by Antonio Gramsci as wellas the analysis by Coutinho (2000) that it understands in society and education the existence of two conflicting projects: the liberal corporate project or neoliberalism and the mass democratic project. The survey procedures comprehend the documentary and bibliografic analysis of primary and secondary texts in a problematizing way. As foundations we report in the studies of authors Like Gramsci (2000), Coutinho (1999, 2000), Cury (2007, 2009, 2014), Dourado (1990, 2010, 2011, 2014, 2017), Paro (1999, 2007, 2016), Freire (1991, 1997, 2001a, 2001b, 2006, 2015, 2017), Freitas (2011, 2014, 2017), among o thers. Based on this study, it was possible to verify that although there hasbeena closer relationship between the state (in a strict sense) and civil society in the construction process the approbation of the PNE (2014-2024) and we verify more debates around the theme of democratic management andoof two management proposal that disputed hegemony democratic and managerial the predominant perspective in law 13.005/2015 of PNE (2014 – 2024) it was the managerial to the detriment of the democratic. The data still reveled that this management perspective corroborates with the neoliberal tendency of the 1990s and points to meritocracy and accountability in managerial management process, thus legitimizes the appraiser state and consequently responsible managers and the school community for school failure. / Esta pesquisa objetivou analisar as propostas para a gestão democrática apresentadas nos processos de construção e aprovação do Plano Nacional de Educação (PNE) 2014-2024. Buscou apresentar os debates e embates no Estado e na sociedade civil em torno do objeto de análise. Para tanto, tomamos como referência o conceito de Estado Ampliado de Antônio Gramsci, assim como, à análise de Coutinho (2000) que compreende na sociedade e na educação a existência de dois projetos conflitantes: o projeto liberal corporativo ou neoliberalismo e o projeto democrático de massas. Os procedimentos da pesquisa compreendem a análise documental e bibliográfica, de textos primários e secundários de forma problematizadora. Como fundamentos, nos reportamos aos estudos de autores como Gramsci (2000), Coutinho (1999, 2000), Cury (2007, 2009, 2014), Dourado (1990, 2010, 2011, 2014, 2017), Paro (1996, 2007, 2016), Freire (1991, 1993, 1997, 2001a, 2001b, 2006, 2015a, 2015b, 2017), Freitas (2011, 2014, 2017), dentre outros. A partir desse estudo, foi possível constatar que apesar de ter havido uma relação mais próxima entre o Estado (em sentido estrito) e a sociedade civil no processo de construção a aprovação do PNE (2014-2024) e constatarmos mais debates em torno do tema da gestão democrática, das duas propostas de gestão que disputaram hegemonia, a democrática e a gerencial, a perspectiva predominante na Lei nº 13.005/2014 do PNE (2014-2024) foi a gerencial em detrimento da democrática. Os dados ainda revelaram que essa perspectiva de gestão corrobora com a tendência neoliberal da década de 1990, e aponta a meritocracia e a responsabilização nos processos de gestão gerencial, assim, legitima o Estado avaliador e, consequentemente, institui mecanismos de responsabilização de gestores e da comunidade escolar pelo fracasso da escola.

150 p. / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-01-07T18:01:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 22.pdf: 1760053 bytes, checksum: f5acd0be1fd1a3992d8ce5eba1dcca8d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-01-07T18:01:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 22.pdf: 1760053 bytes, checksum: f5acd0be1fd1a3992d8ce5eba1dcca8d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Esta dissertação consistiu em uma análise do modelo democrático que sustenta o Orçamento Participativo Digital (OPD) da cidade de Belo Horizonte – MG. Na primeira parte, foi tecido um marco teórico sobre internet, hegemonia e as diferentes concepções de democracia presentes na literatura especializada sobre o tema. É utilizado um referencial crítico baseado no pensamento gramsciano onde os espaços democráticos são vistos como arenas de embate pelo poder hegemônico de uma classe dominante sobre outras classes. Em seguida, foi realizado um debate sobre os modelos democráticos na era digital. Finalmente a experiência do Orçamento Participativo Digital foi analisada enquanto iniciativa de democracia eletrônica. A partir de uma revisão de literatura foram descritas as diversas fases históricas do orçamento participativo até a criação do orçamento participativo digital. Utilizou-se uma metodologia de estudo de caso único com análise documental e observação direta no site do Orçamento Participativo Digital no período de 20 de novembro de 2008 a 10 de janeiro de 2009. Foram analisados os canais de participação digital fornecidos pelo site, em especial a ferramenta de “Debate – Opinião do Cidadão”. As dimensões observadas nesta experiência foram os critérios e a natureza decisional; a definição de regras, a organização e a natureza da participação popular; e o controle social. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam para um modelo democrático de cunho hegemônico liberal como sustentáculo do Orçamento Participativo Digital. Este modelo se reflete na concepção do OPD enquanto ferramenta e na própria participação popular, que é muito mais limitada do que no orçamento participativo tradicional. Com base na teoria e nos dados obtidos empiricamente sugere-se que novos estudos sejam realizados focando, por exemplo, o perfil dos cidadãos participantes do Orçamento Participativo Digital. / Salvador

Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2015-04-06T21:09:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Abreu, Júlio Cesar Andrade de.pdf: 1760053 bytes, checksum: f5acd0be1fd1a3992d8ce5eba1dcca8d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2015-04-06T21:20:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Abreu, Júlio Cesar Andrade de.pdf: 1760053 bytes, checksum: f5acd0be1fd1a3992d8ce5eba1dcca8d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-06T21:20:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Abreu, Júlio Cesar Andrade de.pdf: 1760053 bytes, checksum: f5acd0be1fd1a3992d8ce5eba1dcca8d (MD5) / Esta dissertação consistiu em uma análise do modelo democrático que sustenta o Orçamento Participativo Digital (OPD) da cidade de Belo Horizonte – MG. Na primeira parte, foi tecido um marco teórico sobre internet, hegemonia e as diferentes concepções de democracia presentes na literatura especializada sobre o tema. É utilizado um referencial crítico baseado no pensamento gramsciano onde os espaços democráticos são vistos como arenas de embate pelo poder hegemônico de uma classe dominante sobre outras classes. Em seguida, foi realizado um debate sobre os modelos democráticos na era digital. Finalmente a experiência do Orçamento Participativo Digital foi analisada enquanto iniciativa de democracia eletrônica. A partir de uma revisão de literatura foram descritas as diversas fases históricas do orçamento participativo até a criação do orçamento participativo digital. Utilizou-se uma metodologia de estudo de caso único com análise documental e observação direta no site do Orçamento Participativo Digital no período de 20 de novembro de 2008 a 10 de janeiro de 2009. Foram analisados os canais de participação digital fornecidos pelo site, em especial a ferramenta de “Debate – Opinião do Cidadão”. As dimensões observadas nesta experiência foram os critérios e a natureza decisional; a definição de regras, a organização e a natureza da participação popular; e o controle social. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam para um modelo democrático de cunho hegemônico liberal como sustentáculo do Orçamento Participativo Digital. Este modelo se reflete na concepção do OPD enquanto ferramenta e na própria participação popular, que é muito mais limitada do que no orçamento participativo tradicional. Com base na teoria e nos dados obtidos empiricamente sugere-se que novos estudos sejam realizados focando, por exemplo, o perfil dos cidadãos participantes do Orçamento Participativo Digital. This dissertation analyzed the democratic model of digital participative budget (DPB) in the city of Belo Horizonte. In the first part, a theoretical framework covering the internet, hegemony and different ideas on democracy expressed in the specialized literature was established. The research was grounded on a critical theory based on Gramscian thought, where democratic spaces are seen as hegemonic class confronting arenas of class competition. Next, there was a discussion on democratic models in digital times. At last, the experience with digital participative budget was analyzed as an electronic democracy initiative. Within the review of the literature the different historical phases of participative budget were described up to the creation of digital participative budget. The methodology used was that of single case study with documental analysis and direct observation in DPB website in the period from November 20, 2008 to January 10, 2009. Digital participation channels provided by the site were analyzed, in special the Discussion – Citizens’ opinion tool. The dimensions observed in this experience were: decision criteria and nature; rule definition, popular participation organization and role; and social control. Results indicated a hegemonic and liberal democratic model as the core of Digital Participative Budget. This model is a reflex of the DPB concept as a tool and of popular participation itself, which is far more limited than it would be in traditional participative budget. On the basis of the theory and of the data empirically obtained, further studies are recommended focusing, for instance, on the profile of citizens using digital participative budget.