Thesis (M.A.)--Western Kentucky University, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p.56-57).

This is a sociological essay, named Reshaping Samoan Relations – a study on the increasing reports and regarding violence against women in Samoa, written by Shahab Mirbabaei. The aim of this study was to explain the reason, or reasons, for the increasing reports of violence against women to the police and help-organizations in Samoa.The study was done in Samoa by conducting semi-structured interviews with women, from the rural and urban areas, and with workers from relevant organizations that are involved with questions regarding violence against women. The women were primarily asked for general Samoans changing views of gender, violence and trust for police and help-organizations. The workers were primarily asked for changes in the working process in their organization.The main theoretical choices were Outsiders, by Howard S. Becker, and Masculinities by R.W. Connell. These theories allowed this this study to capture all the important elements by offering a terminology that focuses on gender and deviance.The main results show that different organizations have created a new set of rules for the Samoan society, which in the same time has weakened the Fa’a Samoa system. With the help of awareness, these organizations have criminalized domestic violence towards women in Samoa and offered solutions to women to combat violent occurrences. The awareness has extended the possibilities of women in Samoan society, and allowed them to challenge the authority that upholds the hegemonic rule of men. This challenge is partly seen by the increasing number of women that work in the public, and by women combating the violent occurrences by reporting the matter to outside parties.

In this thesis, the biblical vision of egalitarian multiracial communities is compared to the present practices of Christian congregations in the United States. The thesis establishes that, while multiracial congregations bear the potential for racial reconciliation and equality, this potential may be thwarted by the unintended, counterproductive consequences of racial essentialism and white hegemony. Although I hypothesize that these results reflect the realities of multiracial congregations in general, the focus is on evangelical multiracial churches that are predominantly black and white. The thesis begins by exploring the arguments evangelicals have used to support and oppose racial hierarchy during nineteenth century U.S. slavery and the Civil Rights movement. Next, it traces theological beliefs used to advocate for multiracial congregations today. This is followed by an exploration of the development of multiracial congregations and how they can contribute to racial reconciliation, drawing heavily upon the national study completed by Michael O. Emerson in 2006. Despite the hope offered in the earlier chapters, I go on to present obstacles that blacks encounter in multiracial congregations. Following a description of the black church tradition, the thesis describes Gerardo Marti's research on how blacks can be utilized and essentialized in multiracial congregations in an effort to achieve diversity. Korie Edwards' study on multiracial congregations, which suggests that, under certain circumstances, potential for racial reconciliation and egalitarian relationships can be hindered by white hegemony, is also employed. This is followed by an examination of how the ideology of whiteness contributes to white hegemony and suggests white identity development as a tool to abate this inequality. Thereafter, formative influences on an individual's identity are explored and a case is made for how multiracial congregations can transform a person's racial identity. It is suggested that such a change bears the potential for racial reconciliation. The thesis concludes with implications for practice today and suggestions for future research. The objective of this thesis is to contribute to the actualization of a biblical vision within multiracial congregations by critically exploring the interactions between theological ideals and sociological realities.

This thesis examines the operations of the Confucius Institute in contemporary Thailand. By the end of 2012, there were already 400 Confucius Institutes around the world, 13 of which are in Thailand. It took the Confucius Institute less than a decade to rapidly expand around the globe. Despite its putative neutral objective of promoting Chinese culture and language globally, this thesis argues that the Institute is closely affiliated with the Chinese government, and is in fact part of the Chinese government’s broader hegemonic project. I define hegemony as dominance that rests on generally based consent and is established by social forces occupying a dominant role within a state that are projected outward on a world scale. I look at three aspects of hegemony: the negotiation of norms, the conferring of common interests and mutual benefits to members, and the lived social experience through selective and dominant cultural symbols. This thesis presents empirical data that was collected during three months of field research in Thailand in 2012. It shows that the Confucius Institute attempts to create a norm of international harmony which has its roots in the Chinese government’s domestic policy to construct a harmonious society by 2020. Furthermore, this thesis illustrates that students and people who are involved with the Confucius Institute perceive their participation as resulting in mutual benefits that are “real.” Their perceptions are related to international policies that show Thailand as benefiting by subordinating to China’s political and economic dominance. Lastly, cultural public events organized by the Confucius Institute demonstrate how hegemony is a lived social experience for participants. / Graduate / 2019-12-30 / 0615 / 0616

144f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-05-09T18:54:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissert_Vinicius de Souza.pdf: 799362 bytes, checksum: 74f21fdc2f08b3625d46b11f017b5eab (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Alda Lima da Silva(sivalda@ufba.br) on 2013-05-10T17:26:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissert_Vinicius de Souza.pdf: 799362 bytes, checksum: 74f21fdc2f08b3625d46b11f017b5eab (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-10T17:26:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissert_Vinicius de Souza.pdf: 799362 bytes, checksum: 74f21fdc2f08b3625d46b11f017b5eab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Discutimos neste estudo o universo da música brega, em três momentos: primeiro, o porquê das dificuldades em se definir com exatidão a música brega; em seguida, procuramos demonstrar que, apesar das dificuldades em delimitar-se com precisão o território da música brega, esse gênero musical possui características marcantes, capazes de torná-lo legítimo enquanto uma estética musical. Por último, analisamos a relação de poder encontrada entre os setores intelectualizados em relação à música brega. Utilizando metodologia qualitativa, com entrevistas semi-estruturadas, podemos averiguar que a música brega, apesar de encontrar dificuldades em ser classificada com precisão, deve ser encarada como uma manifestação musical legítima, visto que já demarcou seu espaço diante de outros gêneros musicais, além de observarmos que, apesar da natureza híbrida da contemporaneidade, as distinções estéticas estabelecidas entre os setores sociais ainda se mantêm. / Salvador

This thesis examines the significance of a micro-level approach to the Israeli-Palestinian water conflict. By rethinking scale of analysis and examining local insecurities, Palestinian experiences reveal how water conflict plays out in latent and discursive ways. In a step-by-step method, I detail the processes and outcomes of the water struggle in the West Bank. First, I show how technical challenges ((i) poor water supply, (ii) antiquated water infrastructure, (iii) failed institutions) are shaped by political imperatives. Second, I show how Palestinians have responded to local water sector challenges: (iv) nonpayment to the Palestinian Water Authority for their water supply, (v) increasing rural to urban migration by Palestinian farmers. As a result, Palestinian society is stuck in cycles of crisis that make the conditions increasingly ungovernable. While Palestinians are stuck in a mode of ungovernability, their position in the peace process with Israel is undermined.

A pesquisa investiga e analisa os discursos jornalísticos sobre educação da revista Veja entre os anos de 2002 e 2012. Os estudos jornalísticos sobre educação foram tomados como objeto de estudo devido ao entendimento de que ao falar sobre educação esses discursos também constituem a mesma. A revista Veja foi escolhida como campo de análise devido ao fato de ser a revista brasileira de maior circulação semanal. E o referido período, que compreende a análise, foi delimitado tento em vista ser um período de significativo crescimento da classe média brasileira, majoritariamente o público-alvo leitor da revista Veja. Ao me aproximar do objeto de estudo buscando entender que ideologias operam nesses discursos e que visões hegemônicas sobre educação são constituídas pelos mesmos, através dos conceitos de ideologia (HALL, 2009) e hegemonia (WILLIAMS, 1979), tive de recorrer a referenciais metodológicos que me permitissem operar as análises. Através dos conceitos de intertextualidade e representação de atores sociais (FAIRCLOUGH, 2003) e falta e excesso (PÊCHEUX, 1990) pude identificar algumas vozes presentes e ausentes nos discursos jornalísticos sobre educação da revista Veja, assim como de que modos são representados aqueles que têm voz ou são privados das mesmas nesses discursos. A pesquisa e análises demonstraram que operam ideologias nos discursos sobre educação da revista Veja, muitas vezes híbridas e contraditórias, não necessariamente uma única ideologia. A educação básica, de modo geral, é entendida como um projeto público e coletivo nacional, já o ensino superior é caracterizado como passível de privatização ou capitalização. A revista também apresenta uma preocupação constante com a presença de ideologias de esquerda em materiais didáticos e escolas, assim como uma vigilância constante ao trabalho docente, conclamada principalmente na participação dos pais na educação escolar dos filhos. O trabalho docente, por sua vez, é tomado como problemático e propulsor de mudanças, deste modo tanto críticas à formação de professores são encontradas nesses discursos quanto a necessidade de valorização dos professores. Finalmente, a revista toma indícios de experiências de outros países e recomendações de organismos internacionais como referência para fazer avançar a educação no Brasil. / This research analyzes the journalistic discourses of education in Veja, a Brazilian magazine, between 2002 and 2012. Journalistic discourses were taken as the object of this study due to the understanding of media and information as a social construction. Veja magazine was chosen as the field of this analysis because it is Brazil‟s biggest magazine in circulation, the third largest weekly news magazine in the world and the largest outside the United States. That period of time was chosen since it was an important moment for Brazilian economy, when a significant economic growth of the country‟s middle class – Veja‟s target readership – happened. I identified media as one of the social structures that has been continuously mobilized for education, under the assumptions of a deficit in Brazilian basic education, and low qualification of teachers – both in comparison to the rest of the world via rankings or, sometimes, to a certain selective past. Through the concepts of intertextuality and representation of social actors (FAIRCLOUGH, 2003), I realized that present and absent voices in Veja‟s journalistic discourses about education consider basic education as a public and collective national project that requires managerial inputs, considering the urgency of an economic development for the country. In this sense, Veja magazine presents the work of teachers, at the same time, as the problem and the solution. It is both critical - to formation and performance of teachers - and scrupulous - as it recognizes the need to value teachers. If we consider that all social problems and their possible solutions are partly discursive (RESENDE; RAMALHO 2013), hegemonic discourses built through the articulation of certain ideologies‟ alliances (HALL, 2009) with the common sense, even though never guaranteed, are powerful. This research conclusions suggest that counter-hegemonic alternatives to managerialist projects must always be accompanied also by discursive alternatives, and journalistic discourses about education, more than objects of study, should also be seen as objects of dispute.

Esta dissertação analisa o comportamento da mídia, em especial do jornalismo brasileiro, na sociedade neoliberal, e reflete sobre a função que os discursos jornalísticos desempenham na construção e reconstrução das representações do mundo. A proposta desta pesquisa é discutir a relação entre os meios de comunicação e a sociedade, onde são ressaltados o papel da imprensa na era moderna e dos processos contemporâneos de globalização, que consolidam a hegemonia da mídia através de cenários que lhes são favoráveis. A análise baseou-se no acompanhamento de seis meses consecutivos do noticiário das editorias de política dos jornais O Globo e Folha de S. Paulo, com foco especial nas pautas e agendas. Revela ainda algumas das formações ideológicas preponderantes na concepção desses jornais diários, que fortalecem o comportamento dos leitores. / This dissertation analyzes the behavior of the media, specially that of Brazilian journalism, in the context of neo-liberal society, reflecting upon the role played by journalistic discourses in constructing representations of the world. This research intends to discuss the relation between society and means of communication, emphasizing both the roles played by the press in modern times and also the contemporary globalization processes which consolidate the hegemony of the media by means of favorable scenarios. This analysis was based on a consecutive six-month study that followed the political editorials of Brazilian newspapers O Globo and Folha de S. Paulo, focusing mainly on daily topics and agendas. In addition, it revels some of the preponderant ideological formations that encourage readers behavior and play a major role in conception of these daily newspapers.

abstract: This critical qualitative research study explores the discursive processes and patterns by which humor is gendered in hair salons and barbershops, in support of or resistance to hegemony, through an in-depth analysis and feminist critique of the humorous exchanges of hair stylists and barbers. This study extends prior feminist organizational research from Ashcraft and Pacanowsky (1996) regarding the participation of marginalized populations (i.e., women) in hegemonic processes, and argues that, despite changing cultural/demographic organizational trends, marginalized (as well as dominant) populations are still participating in hegemonic processes 20 years later. A focus on gendered humor via participant narratives reveals how various styles of gendered humor function to reinforce gender stereotypes, marginalize/exclude the "other" (i.e., women), and thus privilege hegemonic patterns of workplace discourse. This study contributes to existing feminist organizational scholarship by offering the unique juxtaposition of humor and gender from a diverse and understudied population, hair industry professionals. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Communication Studies 2015

Submitted by ROSEANE OLIVEIRA RIOS null (riosmst@bol.com.br) on 2016-11-04T16:44:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RIOS, R. O..pdf: 1319127 bytes, checksum: 9d8dd45014f0375b5c3a88d1857ed289 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-11-10T13:52:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rios_ro_me_ippri.pdf: 1319127 bytes, checksum: 9d8dd45014f0375b5c3a88d1857ed289 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-10T13:52:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rios_ro_me_ippri.pdf: 1319127 bytes, checksum: 9d8dd45014f0375b5c3a88d1857ed289 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / A educação pública passa a ter um papel estratégico no desenvolvimento de uma pedagogia da hegemonia. Esta pesquisa, então, tem como objeto de estudo o projeto educacional da Fundação Odebrecht e sua implementação na Bahia, em uma região específica, identificada como Baixo Sul da Bahia. Fundamenta-se em autores como Frigotto (1977 e 1983), Rodrigues (1998), Bryan (1983) e Bitencourt (1991), que estudaram a atuação do empresariado na educação; também Calazans (1993) e Leite (1999), no tocante a estudos da educação rural; Garcia (2009), Campos (2009), Tautz (2010), nos estudos sobre as transnacionais e o financiamento público; e Neves (2008) e Martins (2007) sobre a sociabilidade burguesa. Para a depreensão dos resultados desejados, foram analisados como fontes principais os projetos das escolas tomadas como fonte de investigação. Para dar maior consistência à análise, contribuíram como fontes secundárias informações contidas em folders, cartilhas, vídeos e fotografias, conseguidos em campo, nas duas escolas. Além disso, sites das duas escolas foram, igualmente, fontes de consulta. As categorias de análise eleitas foram educação e formação humana, educação e trabalho, concepção de campo e gestão. Os resultados da pesquisa evidenciaram que, desde a década de 1940, a empresa em tela se instalou na região para desenvolver seus negócios e, a partir de 2003, centrou suas forças em projetos educacionais para atender, principalmente, ao público de jovens e adolescentes do campo. Tal projeto educacional, no entanto, apesar da denominação Educação do Campo, apresenta, em seu bojo, os objetivos do empresariado para formação da classe trabalhadora brasileira, ação que começa a ser gestada também na década de 40; a isso, mescla elementos de continuidade da educação rural enquanto pacote de medidas educacionais para o campo brasileiro. / In this sense public education takes on a strategic role in developing a pedagogy of hegemony. This research is the object of study educational project of the Fundação Odebrecht and its implementation in Bahia in a specific region called Southern Bahia. Justifying in authors like Frigotto (1977 and 1983), Rodrigues (1998) Bryan (1983), Bitencourt (1991) who studied the role of entrepreneurship in education; Calazans (1993), Leite (1999) for studies of rural education; Garcia (2009), Campos (2009), Tautz (2010) in studies of transnational corporations and public funding and Nenes (2008) and Martins (2007) on the bourgeoisie. For depression sociability find the results were analyzed as sources main projects of the in two schools.To give greater consistency to the analysis utilized as secondary sources information contained in brochures, booklets, videos and photos obtained from field visit at two schools. In addition, sites of the two schools were also reference sources .Elected analysis category was education and human development, education and work, field design and management. The results of this research showed that since the 1940s screen in the company settled in the region to develop their business and, since 2003 , focused its strengths in educational projects to cater mainly to the audience of young and adolescent field. Such educational project , however , despite the name field Camp Education, brings in its wake the goals of the business for formation of the Brazilian working class begins to be gestated in the 1940s, bringing together elements of continuity of rural education as a package of educational measures to the Brazilian countryside. / CNPJ/CGC: 33.654.831/0001-36