Thesis (M.S.)--Missouri State University, 2008. / "August 2008." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 32-35). Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii, 1990. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 298-311).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Emory University, 2005. / "UMI Number: 3201416"--T.p. verso. Includes bibliographical references (p. 472-489).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 1989. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 289-310).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Philosophy, August, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A.)--Baylor University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 34-38).

This paper aims to examine Belarus and explain why the country has failed to democratize during the period of 2008-2017, but also if there has been any tendency for democratization during this period. The study is conducted through an analysis of underlying and significant factors for initiating the actual democratization process. The factors analysed are internal, external and regional factors. The method that was applied to this study was a case study were theories of democratization were used to analyse Belarus's democratic development and tendencies towards democracy. The study points out that all factors did play a role in the Belarusian democracy development and tendencies for democratization did exist. Belarus has failed to fully democratize as the regime successfully centralizes the power which is controlled through different means and strategies but there has been a tendency for democratization. The tendency for democratization has been through internal factors as there is an existing middle class and there is an existing critical opposition. For the external factors, a tendency has been shown by the snowball effect, as there have been geographically close demonstrations and democratization, and finally for the regional factors, tendencies for democracy could be identified as there is a desire for a return to the west among the population of Belarus.

O autoritarismo, complexo fenômeno social largamente estudado pela Ciência Política e pela Psicologia Social, é aqui pesquisado em suas articulações com o sistema penal. Na medida em que o autoritarismo deriva do poder e em que o sistema penal deriva do direito, são estudados os conceitos de poder e de direito, em suas peculiaridades e inter-relações. Em seguida, examinam-se a história da construção do conceito de autoridade e os contextos políticos e psicológico-sociais em que o termo autoritarismo tem sido empregado, para, em seguida, analisar, abstrata e conceitualmente, suas inter-relações com o sistema penal. Observa-se que o autoritarismo é característica estrutural de todo e qualquer sistema penal, manifestando-se nas mais variadas agências desse sistema, e em todos os planos: na criminalização primária (ou seja, na edição de leis penais), na criminalização secundária (i.e., na aplicação concreta de poder punitivo a autores concretos), no poder positivo configurador da vida social, no discurso-jurídico penal (nas teorias dos juristas) e nos sistemas penais paralelo e subterrâneo. Como hipóteses de trabalho, são examinados o sistema penal alemão nazista e o sistema penal brasileiro contemporâneo, buscando verificar, ainda, se e em que medida há coincidências em propostas político-criminais e em práticas concretas de poder punitivo. / Authoritarianism, a complex social phenomenon that is widely studied by Political Science and by Social Psychology, is researched in this thesis in its articulations with the criminal system. As authoritarianism is derived from power, and the criminal system is derived from the law, the concepts of power and law are studied in their peculiarities and interrelationships. Further on, there is the analysis of the history of construction of the authority concept, and the political and social-psychological contexts in which the term authoritarianism has been employed, and, thereafter, the analysis of its interrelationships with the criminal system, in an abstract and conceptual manner. It is noted that authoritarianism is a structural characteristic of any and all criminal system, being shown in the most varied agencies of this system, and in all its plans: in primary criminalization (i.e., enactment of criminal laws), in secondary criminalization (i.e., concrete application of punitive power to concrete authors), in the positive power that shapes social life, in the criminal legal speech (in the jurists' theories), and in the parallel and subterranean criminal systems. As work cases, the Nazi German criminal system and the contemporary Brazilian criminal system are examined, also trying to find out whether and to what extent there are any coincidences in political-criminal proposals and concrete practices of punitive power.

Esta tese traz uma reflexão acerca das transformações observadas na sociedade brasileira nas décadas de 1960-70, muitas das quais tiveram início ou se aceleraram a partir do golpe de abril de 1964, com a instauração do regime militar. A discussão proposta parte do estudo dos artigos assinados por David Nasser, em O Cruzeiro, principalmente, e em Manchete, esporadicamente, e Carmen da Silva, na revista Claudia, entre 1963-1973. Mostro, através do trabalho destes autores, as sementes do que resultou num endurecimento político baseado num aparato repressivo cuidadosamente construído, com o objetivo de cercear e punir idéias políticas diferentes daquelas que sustentavam a ditadura instaurada. Paralelamente, no campo social/cultural, observouse a abertura dos costumes e dos comportamentos, o que contradiz, neste momento da história brasileira, a noção segundo a qual: \"É mais fácil derrubar um ditador do que mudar a cabeça das pessoas\". / This thesis ponders about the transformations that took place in the Brazilian society in the 1960-70s. These changes have started or increased in pace following the civilianmilitary coupd\'état of April 1964, with the establishment of the Brazilian military regime. The proposed discussion has its roots in the study of the news articles authored by David Nasser, mostly in O Cruzeiro but sporadically in Manchete, and Carmen da Silva, in Claudia, spanning the years 1963-1973. I show, through the work of these authors, the seeds of what would later turn into the political hardening based in a carefully built apparatus to stifle and punish political ideas dissonant with the ones defended by the established regime. At the same time, other realms of society saw an increasing flexibility of societal norms and behaviors. This fact, in this particular moment of the Brazilian history, contradicts the common belief that: \"It is easier to topple a dictator than to change people minds\".

A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar a experiência japonesa e a aplicabilidade do conceito fascismo ao período compreendido entre a Grande Crise do fim dos anos 1920 e o fechamento total dos partidos e dos sindicatos. O caso japonês é, muitas vezes, tratado como desprezível, por se referir a uma experiência fora dos perímetros ocidentais e, também, traz consigo uma forma de esquivar-se de cada particularidade dentro de uma universalidade. O Japão, após a implantação do capitalismo em fins do século XIX, passa por diversas transformações orientadas pela mesma lógica de reprodução. A partir das distinções do caso japonês e de generalizações do conceito fascismo, foi possível perceber a unidade dos processos político-sociais. O resultado de uma arquitetura de dominação, desde a esfera social até os movimentos políticos da economia, foi exposto neste trabalho. / This study aimed to analyze the Japanese experience and the concept of \"fascism\" due the period between the Great Crisis of the late 1920s and the total closure of parties and unions. The Japanese case is often treated as negligible, because it refers to an out of the western perimeter, and also brings with it a way to dodge every particular within a universality. Japan, after the capitalism introduction in the late nineteenth century, goes through several transformations driven by the same logic of reproduction. From the Japanese case distinctions and generalizations of the concept of \"fascism\", it was possible to make out the unity of political and social processes. The result of an architecture of domination was exposed in this work, from the social sphere to the political movements of the economy.