Beginning in the late 1970s, with the onset of the third wave of democratization, a host of new conservative parties emerged in Latin America. The trajectories of these parties varied tremendously. While some went on to enjoy long-term electoral success, others failed to take root. The most successful new conservative parties all shared a surprising characteristic: they had deep roots in former dictatorships. They were "authoritarian successor parties," or parties founded by high-level incumbents of authoritarian regimes that continue to operate after a transition to democracy. What explains variation in conservative party-building outcomes in Latin America since the onset of the third wave, and why were the most successful new conservative parties also authoritarian successor parties? This study answers these questions by developing a theory of "authoritarian inheritance." It argues that, paradoxically, close links to former dictatorships may, under some circumstances, be the key to party-building success. This is because authoritarian successor parties sometimes inherit resources from the old regime that are useful under democracy. The study examines five potential resources: party brand, territorial organization, clientelistic networks, business connections and a source of cohesion rooted in a history of joint struggle. New conservative parties that lack such inheritance face a more daunting task. Such parties may have better democratic credentials, but they are likely to have worse democratic prospects. This argument is developed through an analysis of four parties: Chile's Independent Democratic Union (UDI), Argentina's Union of the Democratic Center (UCEDE), El Salvador's Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) and Guatemala's Party of National Advancement (PAN). Drawing on interview and archival data gathered during 15 months of fieldwork in five countries, this study contributes to three literatures. First, as the first book-length comparison of conservative parties in Latin America, it contributes to the literature on Latin American politics. Second, by developing a new theory of how successful new parties may emerge--the theory of authoritarian inheritance--it contributes to the literature on party-building. Third, by developing the concept of authoritarian successor parties, it sheds light on a common but underappreciated vestige of authoritarian rule and, in this way, contributes to the literature on regimes. / Government

1 Master Thesis Proposal Institute of Political Studies, IEPS programme Faculty of Social Sciences Charles University in Prague Date: 16.10.2020 Author: Ceren Küçükkayıkcı Supervisor: doc. Ing. Tomas Cahlik, CSc. E-mail: 91064497@fsv.cuni.cz E-mail: cahlik@fsv.cuni.cz Phone: +420773924728 Phone: Specialisation: IEPS Defense Planned: September 2021 Proposed Topic: The Impact of Political Determinants on Economic Growth : Analysis of AKP Era Registered in SIS: Yes Date of registration: 30.05.2019 (in case of No give an expected date) Topic characteristics / Research Question(s): The general question of this thesis is how the change in political determinants have an impact on economic growth in Turkey during the AKP era between 2002 and 2019. We would like to demonstrate the reason for the economic failure of AKP in line with the political and economic institutions and political and civil rights. AKP era will be analyzed into three sections, which are 2003-2007, 2007-2011, and 2011 and 2019. Economic growth will be measured by GDP per capita. Working hypotheses: 1. Hypothesis #1: There is an indirect relationship between political determinants and economic growth. 2. Hypothesis#2: Economic institutions and political institutions are endogenous and are defined by the collective choice of society. 2 3....

To what extent do immigrants who spent their formative years under authoritarianism adapt to the socio-political environment of their new democratic host country? The purpose of this thesis is to illuminate the political socialization of immigrants and provide governments with information for evidence-based policy regarding the assimilation of these immigrants. This is achieved by statistical analysis, measuring the effects of exposure to host country and age on political interest, political participation and political values. The evidence shows that immigrants from authoritarianism are able to adapt their political attitudes after exposure to new democratic socio-political environments, but that the exposure gained from living in a democratic country might not be sufficient to increase political participation by itself. These results speak in favor of governments attempts to inform a potentially vulnerable minority group of their political rights and the importance of political participation so as their voices might be heard. As well as immigrant’s ability to adapt to democratic political life.

Authoritarianism is on the rise across the world and intriguingly in the United States, known as the democratic laboratory. Political theorists and activists inquire into this contradictory political phenomenon in the United States, but their inquiries are fruitless. This dissertation finds that they uncritically conceive democracy as a mechanism of governance. As such, this narrow conception hampers their intelligence for political inquiries into the surge of authoritarianism in America. This dissertation discusses why and how the current political phenomenon occurs and suggests a moral method to pursue the quest for democratic values. This method allows inquirers to successfully address the crisis of democracy. This dissertation appeals to John Dewey’s vision of deliberative democracy, comparing and contrasting it with Alasdair MacIntyre’s communitarianism-oriented political theory. It finds that just as the Deweyan democratic vision does, MacIntyre’s political vision of democracy, too, emphasizes citizens’ participation in the political activities of decision-making and policy formulation. For MacIntyre, deliberative and participatory citizens are engaged in small group meetings to resolve their social and political issues. However, his communitarian method falls short of inspiring inquirers who wish to establish meaningful hypotheses to overcome the crisis of democracy: the idea of value plurality that is deemed essential for the political hypotheses is negated to a substantial degree by Thomist humanism held in his later works. MacIntyre’s skeptical attitude toward the methodology of democracy fundamentally based on liberalism and empirical naturalism inhibits political inquiries to discover and apply methods required to resolve the existing political situation in the U.S. By contrast, Dewey provides an appropriate array of philosophical ideas concerning deliberative democracy based on cooperative intelligence for political inquirers. With Dewey’s thought-provoking philosophical ideas, they are prepared to address their recently revived interest in authoritarianism in politics. They open a path towards a way of life that promotes authentic participation and deliberation in public affairs to tackle complex policy issues and bring out human flourishing. On this moral and social path, people demolish authoritarianism. Democratic hope is no longer an unattainable dream.

The diploma thesis "The Hybrid Regime and the Democracy in Peru - the Regime of Alberto Fujimori." will be focused on the regime of Alberto Fujimori in Peru in the scope of theories of hybrid regimes, a theory of "neopopulism" and a theory of "autogolpe". The theoretical frame of the thesis is based on theories of hybrid regimes by Larry Diamond and Guillermo O'Donnell, further on a theory of "neopopulism" by Kurt Weyland and a theoretical analysis of the "autogolpe" by Maxwell A. Cameron. The thesis will be focused on the fact whether the examined regime corresponds to one type of hybrid regimes based on criteria of the theoretical framework and whether it is the case of "neopopulism". As factors that could affect the form of Fujimori's regime there will be analysed campaigns of guerrilla groups Shining Path and MRTA and the solution of the economic crisis. The aim of the diploma thesis is the analysis of Fujimori's government, thus the finding, whether it is possible to mark the regime as hybrid and which type specifically. The thesis will use the method of comparative analysis for comparison purposes to compare countries where was or may be realized "autogolpe". Then there will be used a case study to describe the events that preceded the election of president Fujimori and then the description...

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Using a case study approach, this thesis explores how ethnic minority groups living under authoritarian rule can utilize social bonds, create social capital, and eventually achieve democratic self-governance. Social movement literature is also utilized to examine how one of the case studies, the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico should be examined as a social movement rather than a military insurgency. This thesis also examines the Kurds of Northern Iraq and then puts forward the Kurds of Northern Syria as a future case study. This thesis takes a historical analysis approach throughout as well as utilizing philanthropic studies literature.

This study examined criticisms in the media that women and feminists are ultra-sensitive to sexual harassment, making false accusations that may ruin an accused man's career by empirically examining gender and feminist identity in relation to SH judgments for scenarios that varied by evidence strength. This study also examined whether those endorsing radically conservative views, specifically Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), are particularly insensitive to sexual harassment, denying that it exists even when evidence is strong. We hypothesized that perceiver gender, attitudes toward the feminist movement, stages of feminist identity, and RWA attitudes would impact perceptions of sexual harassment severity, accuser guilt, perceptions of future job consequences for the accused perpetrator, and perceptions of false accusations, and that strength of evidence would moderate these relationships. A sample of 961 adults was recruited from Amazon's MTurk to complete an online vignette study. Participants were assigned to a scenario condition based on a 2 (Hostile Work Environment vs. Unwanted Sexual Attention scenario) * 2 (Strength of Evidence: Strong vs. Weak) factorial design. Contrary to the popular belief that feminists are ultra-sensitive, findings indicated that women endorsing feminist beliefs were more cautious than others to judge a scenario as sexually harassing when evidence was weak. Those endorsing RWA beliefs, however, were more likely than others to claim a woman was making a false accusation of unwanted sexual attention sexual harassment regardless of strength of evidence.

Why is authoritarian propaganda often uninspiring, and how can states create captivating content that competes in the modern information landscape? This dissertation theorizes that dictators must strike a balance between controlling the creative process of cultural elites to promote a specific ideology and unleashing their creative potential. Overbearing ideological constraints can suppress creativity, thus necessitating powerful incentives to produce engaging propaganda. This research empirically focuses on the resurgence of propaganda films in Chinese cinemas from the mid- to late-2010s, particularly following the 2018 administrative reform when the Central Propaganda Department assumed control of the film industry. This serves as a case study demonstrating how an authoritarian state can make propaganda interesting. Utilizing novel film industry data and qualitative fieldwork, I uncover a state propaganda strategy that effectively shapes popular culture in China. I show that the Chinese government has successfully enlisted the cultural expertise of the private sector to craft entertaining and marketable propaganda through direct mandates and through shaping a market environment favorable to propaganda. Additionally, I conducted an online field experiment that demonstrates that such propagandist entertainment likely sways the majority of viewers' opinions toward the regime. However, it is worth noting that these propaganda movies may backfire among a small portion of the audience — approximately 20% of participants — who already harbor a distaste for propaganda before watching the movie. The production and reception of propagandist entertainment beyond the film industry and outside China are also discussed in this dissertation.

The purpose of this study was to determine whether a relationship exists between the theorized identity styles and political positions, views, and opinions. Also investigated were the effects of authority on political views, specifically within the normative identity style. Students at a large southeastern metropolitan university (N = 440) took an anonymous online survey in exchange for course credit. Those with a normative identity style, who look to authority figures for answers, were found to have much higher levels of conservatism and held more conservative positions than did those with an informational style, who seek out their own sources for answers. Those with a diffuse-avoidant style, who avoid making identity related decisions, fell between the normative and informational styles on most of these measures. For those with a normative identity style, political views on welfare deservingness were better predicted by news media choice and parental political ideology than by personal political ideology. For those with an informational identity style, most political views were better predicted by personal political ideology than by news media choice, parental political ideology, or parental news media choice. A lack of usage of traditional media in favor of social media may explain some of the results. Further implications are discussed.

Authoritarian states have an extended reach on their populations residing outside of the country borders due to globalization and digitalization. This is part of the explanation of the increase of transnational repression globally. The aim of this paper is to investigate how authoritarian regime type affects the incidence of transnational repression. A bivariate hypothesis test is conducted using large scale quantitative methods and mediation analysis in order to conduct the study and investigate how the effect of regime type on transnational repression is mediated by domestic repression. Personalist regimes are expected to repress more domestically than for example single party regimes and therefore engage more in transnational repression. The results are inconclusive for the different measures of personalist rule. It is also suggested from the results that the effect of regime type on transnational repression is partially mediated by the level of domestic repression in the country.