It is the aim of this thesis to discuss Martin Luther as a political philosopher of authoritarianism as revealed in his writings. Although he advocated the separation of faith and reason, Luther's political sphere includes the omnipotence and authority of God. Given this factor, the religious elements of calling, faith, and love become political manifestations. This polity effects a state in which the citizen must find spiritual and civic fulfillment within a secular existence. The possible affinity of Luther with such political philosophers as Aquinas, Machiavelli, Locke, Rousseau and Marx is briefly examined. Luther's authoritarian attitude and its implications for public and political life are his legacy to the evolution of the modern nation-state.

This thesis explores the emergence and proliferation of public consultative bodies (PCBs) in contemporary Russia. Created by the government and regulated by law, PCBs are formal groups of NGO leaders, academics, journalists, entrepreneurs and public figures selected by the state, that perform advisory, monitory and support functions to government departments and individuals at federal, regional and municipal levels. The concept of obshchestvennyi kontrol’ (public scrutiny) is employed by Kremlin to refer to the dual activities of oversight and assistance, which PCBs are intended to enact. First appearing ten years ago with the foundation of the Federal Public Chamber in 2004, there are now tens of thousands of PCBs in operation across the country. This thesis constitutes the first systematic analysis of PCBs in English. It uses a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach in order to explore the extent to which the portrayal of PCBs in government discourse corresponds to the practices enacted through these institutions in three regional case studies of Moscow, St Petersburg and Samara. It finds that although PCBs are presented by federal and regional leaders as means for citizens merely to assist the authorities in the performance of tasks decided by the state, in practice PCBs can enable citizens modestly to influence policy outcomes and occasionally to shape public agendas. They therefore cannot be dismissed as mere ‘window dressing’ for the authorities. The thesis shows that PCBs were created as part of the market reform of the Soviet-era public sector, in which processes of privatisation, outsourcing and decentralisation reduced the state’s ability to make public policy without input from domestic non-state actors. It argues that the limited participation in governance afforded to citizens through PCBs exemplifies practices of ‘authoritarian neoliberal governance’, a concept that captures the attempts by the state to control policy outcomes produced through new public participatory mechanisms arising from the marketization of state bureaucracy. Although the thesis focuses on the case of Russia, the concept of ‘authoritarian neoliberal governance’ raises the question of the existence of commensurable mechanisms in other non-democratic polities.

O objetivo da presente tese é apresentar o conceito de tipo antropológico autoritário tal qual exposto em A Personalidade Autoritária de Theodor W. Adorno et. al.. Esta tese defende que Adorno se baseia em noções metapsicológicas freudianas para compor uma antropologia do tipo autoritário, algo que o autor constrói a partir de conceitos próprios da primeira geração da Teoria Crítica. Para tanto, desenvolvemos dialeticamente as concepções de natureza e história, de modo que a antropologia enquanto natureza humana perde uma conotação substancialista e imutável, sendo compreendida muito mais como um diagnóstico socioeconômico crítico. Seria por uma determinação capitalista autoritária que pretende escamotear as contradições sociais mediante naturalizações que a formação de um tipo autoritário que também evita as contradições de sua própria psique seria concebida. Para defendê-lo, procuramos contrapor Fromm e Adorno no que concerne às diferentes leituras da psicanálise freudiana no Instituto de Pesquisas Sociais; descrever a antropologia exposta em Dialética do Esclarecimento, livro tomado como base para o desenvolvimento de A Personalidade Autoritária; compreender alguns elementos da crítica da economia-política de Marx, Lukács, Sohn-Rethel, Pollock e Horkheimer implicados na concepção de antropologia em questão; analisar Ideia de história natural de Adorno para o desenvolvimento de uma dialética entre natureza e história; abordar os estudos sobre o rádio e o texto sobre Martin Luther Thomas de Adorno para a exposição do clima cultural autoritário determinado pela indústria cultural que irá influenciar, por sua vez, o tipo antropológico autoritário; debater alguns dos conteúdos presentes nos capítulos assinados por Adorno em A Personalidade Autoritária; e, finalmente, contribuir com uma leitura da teoria freudiana na formulação de alguns conceitos relacionados ao tipo autoritário como representação substitutiva, objeto pulsional, narcisismo, racionalidade, sadomasoquismo, paranoia, fetichismo, inquietante, entre outros. / The purpose of this thesis is to present the concept of an \"authoritarian anthropological type\" as discussed in \"The Authoritarian Personality\" of Theodor W. Adorno et. Al.. This thesis argues that Adorno called upon Freudian metapsychological notions to compose an authoritarian anthropology and followed theories of the first generation of Critical Theory. Therefore, we develop dialectically the conceptions of \"nature\" and \"history\", so that anthropology as a human nature loses a \"substantialist\" and immutable connotation and gains a meaning of a critical socioeconomic diagnosis. The formation of an authoritarian type - which avoids the contradictions of its own psyche - is determined by an authoritarian capitalist environment - which avoids social contradictions through naturalizations. To defend it, we seek to counter Fromm and Adorno with respect to the different readings of Freudian psychoanalysis at the Institute for Social Research; to describe the anthropology exposed in \"Dialectics of Enlightenment\", book taken as a fundament for the development of \"The Authoritarian Personality\"; to understand some elements of the critique of political economy of Marx, Lukács, Sohn-Rethel, Pollock, and Horkheimer implied in the anthropology conception in question here; to analyze Adorno\'s \"Idea of natural history\" to develop a dialectic between \"nature\" and \"history\"; to approach the Adorno\'s studies on the radio and the text on \"Martin Luther Thomas\" to expose the authoritarian cultural climate determined by the cultural industry that influence the authoritarian anthropological type; to debate some of the contents presented in the chapters signed by Adorno in \"The Authoritarian Personality\"; and, finally, to contribute with a reading of the Freudian theory in regard to the formulation of some concepts related to the authoritarian type - as substitutive representation, drive object, narcissism, rationality, sadomasochism, paranoia, fetishism, uncanny, etc..

The problem of this study was to investigate the relationship between the degree of authoritarianism expressed by pre-service secondary science teachers and the ways in which they spent their instructional time. This study was conducted on all students enrolled in the secondary science instructional methods course at a large North Texas area university for the fall semester of 1972 and the spring semester of 1973. The total population for the study was 55 students. To aid in resolution of the problem three purposes were formulated. The first purpose was to determine whether authoritarianism expressed by prospective science teachers was related to the ways they spent their instructional time. The second purpose was to determine if the authoritarianism expressed by prospective science teachers was related to their use of an indirect teaching style. The third purpose was to provide feedback to the prospective science teachers on the ways they spent their instructional time. It was concluded that teachers who were very authoritarian asked fewer questions and a different type of question than someone of lesser authoritarianism. The authoritarian asked questions that could be answered with a short answer such as yes or no, while the lesser authoritarian asked questions that allow the student to have more freedom in his response. Further studies of this type should focus on the teaching of questioning techniques to extreme authoritarians to establish whether they might learn to use divergent questions to teach science indirectly.

Objetivo: A pesquisa avalia as transformações nas instâncias de controle da liberdade de expressão após a redemocratização brasileira e o veto constitucional à censura, em 1988. Esse reposicionamento do controle estatal reforça a persistente preponderância da proteção a interesses privados, fora do escrutínio público, que resiste à regulação pública. Com o bloqueio das propostas no legislativo (em simbiose com produtores midiáticos), restou o apelo ao judiciário nos casos que demandam controle comunicativo em conflitos inerentes às novas liberdades conquistadas com a abertura. Assim, um debate político é reduzido e canalizado ao embate legal, o que deixa o público privado da sua influência sobre a delimitação da liberdade de expressão devido ao caráter hermético das discussões judiciárias - em um processo em que o público se posiciona não como agente, mas como plateia dos debates feitos em seu nome. Métodos: Parte-se de uma análise das entidades de regulação da comunicação, avaliando-se como sua recente formação (ou abandono) foi afetada pelo processo de abertura democrática. A pesquisa avalia como o judiciário ocupou o espaço de controle comunicativo, analisando casos que tratam de proibição de expressões públicas. A análise foca como são delimitados os sentidos do termo tabu \"censura\" nos acórdãos dos julgamentos do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF). Resultados: A proposta de classificação sistêmica dos debates no STF aponta preponderância de argumentos liberais contrários ao controle do Estado, mas uma ponderação mais conservadora na colisão de direitos entre indivíduos. A análise evidencia disputas sobre o contraste ou continuidade de práticas autoritárias do passado nos novos tempos democráticos, além de dissenso sobre os significados e limites do que se entende como censura e sua problemática harmonização ou dissonância com uma estrutura legal que, explicitamente, veta esse cerceamento, mas mantém brechas legais que permitem esse controle. / This research evaluates how censorship mechanisms have changed after the end of Brazil\'s military dictatorship and the constitutional prohibition of censorship, in 1988. State control has shifted to a new role that stimulates the persistent dominance of private interests over public scrutiny, resisting government regulation. A symbiosis between media owners and congress representatives frequently blocks new law proposals. The judiciary, however, is still an option to appeals demanding communicative control concerning conflicts regarding new liberties that are now available because of the return of democracy. Court appeals reduce a political debate to a legal dispute, which deprives the public from its influence on how to determine the limits to free speech due to the hermetic characteristics of judicial rulings - in a way that the public is not a player, but an audience during the debates made on its behalf. Methods: This research analyzes entities that regulate communication practices, evaluating how their recent formation (or abortion) relates to democratic reforms after the dictatorship. This work evaluates how the judiciary occupied the space of communicative control, analyzing cases that deal with public expression and its repression. The analysis focus on how the rulings of Brazilian Supreme Court (\"Supremo Tribunal Federal\" - STF) delimit the meaning of \"censorship\", a democratic taboo. Results: The proposed systemic classification of debates in STF points to a dominance of liberal arguments against State control, but a more conservative ponderation in individual rights collisions. The analysis reveals a dispute on the contrast or continuity of past authoritarian practices in new democratic times. There is dissent on the meanings and limits concerning what is understood as censorship and its problematic harmonization or dissonance in a legal structure that explicitly forbids this prohibition, while, at the same time, legal loopholes that allow this kind of control still remain.

The central themes of the thesis are the limits of democracy, the qualities that distinguish it from other political regimes, the criteria necessary for its existence, and the character of the regimes that arise if one or more of these criteria are not met. The first part of the thesis presents fundamental concepts and theories that deal with these questions, the goal of the second part is to apply these theoretical considerations to a particular case, namely Hungary. The first part focuses primarily on the definition of democracy and non-democracy, on the functioning and characteristics of regimes in the "grey area" between democracy and authoritarianism, on the definitions of relevant terms and on the ways in which various theories of democracy, authoritarianism and hybrid regimes approach these concepts and definitions. The first chapter presents the theories of democracy that are relevant to the discussion about hybrid regimes: the minimalist concept, the procedural minimum and the extended procedural minimum. The second chapter focuses on the definition of the opposite of democracy, the third chapter presents a cognitive-linguistic approach to the links between democracy and authoritarianism. The last two chapters of the first part offer a brief overview of the theories of hybrid regimes and...

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-12-04T11:47:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriela Nascimento Silva.pdf: 3013833 bytes, checksum: b86fe9743d4f131f5dfc9ba27344f8b1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-04T11:47:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriela Nascimento Silva.pdf: 3013833 bytes, checksum: b86fe9743d4f131f5dfc9ba27344f8b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-28 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The aim of the present dissertation is to analyses the censorship in two soap operas displayed by Rede Globo that reached high rating points, attracting the public with their relaxed scenarios and, in parallel, their dense dramas retracting family issues, moral values and upward mobility. Dancin’ Days and Água Viva were transmitted in the end of the Military Rule, in the years of 1978 and 1980, respectively. With a comparative approach, illustrating similarities and differences of censorships, the research intention is to identify and discuss agents that build the many social representations in the studied soap operas, inserted in a context of marketing expansion and, simultaneously, forced to attend to the highest pressions of the Government by preserving good moral. With the support of collected data – censured scripts, censors and network view and DVDs of the studied soap operas – the research, that has as it's main problematic the concern and interest of an authoritarian government about the soap operas, and the censorship through the narrative of Dancin' Days and Água Viva, will get the effort to clarify the symbolic contest of power on different moments from the government. In conclusion, the fundance of this work consists on the pertinence of understanding an era in which mostly is said about censorship and little's been researched about it. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance that further more studies are realized about soap operas, product that remains as a great influence on Brazilian people, studying the process of censorship and the use of soap operas as an instrument of repression of the Military Rule – even in the end of its command – hiding words, rallies, information’s and representations / A presente dissertação visa analisar a censura em duas telenovelas exibidas pela Rede Globo que alcançaram altos índices de audiência, atraíram o público pelos seus cenários de descontração, seus dramas pesados que cercavam sobre as questões familiares, valores morais e ascensão social. São elas: Dancin’ Days e Água Viva, transmitidas no final do Estado Autoritário, nos anos de 1978 e 1980, respectivamente. Por meio de uma abordagem comparativa, ilustrando as semelhanças e diferenças das censuras, à pesquisa tem como objetivo na identificação e no exame dos agentes que constroem as várias representações sociais das telenovelas em questão, inseridos em contexto de expansão mercadológica ao mesmo tempo das mais altas pressões do Estado pela preservação da moral e dos bons costumes. Com o auxílio documentação levantada – constituída de scripts censurados, pareces dos censores, pareceres das emissoras e DVDs das duas telenovelas estudadas em questão - a pesquisa que tem como problemática a preocupação e o interesse do governo autoritário quanto às telenovelas, e a atuação das censuras nas narrativas de Dancin’ Days e Água Viva, se esforçará em esclarecer a disputa simbólica de poder em momentos distintos dos governos. Por fim, a justificativa para este trabalho consiste na pertinência de compreender uma época que muito se falou sobre a censura e que pouco foi estudado sobre ela. Portanto é de suma importância que se manifestem mais estudos que levantem, principalmente em telenovelas, produto esse que se manifesta até hoje de grande influencia sobre a população brasileira, acerca do processo e utilização do instrumento de repressão do Estado Autoritário, mesmo que no final dele, que oculta palavras, manifestação, informação e representação

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-29T19:33:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ernesto Pacheco Richter.pdf: 1445411 bytes, checksum: 33450c2067aaaab6fe5f29eeee0caf06 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-29T19:33:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ernesto Pacheco Richter.pdf: 1445411 bytes, checksum: 33450c2067aaaab6fe5f29eeee0caf06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work aims to analyze the influences of psychoanalytic theory in the process of constitution of Political Psychology, as research field. Initially, we focus on French authors, such as, Alexis de Tocqueville, Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon, whose contributions regarding French revolutions are relevant to the field. On the other hand, we present the Anglophone authors Graham Wallas and Harold Lasswell, as their thoughts bring different perspectives to political events, but no less significant for the later institutionalization of Political Psychology. Afterwards, we analyze Freud’s social texts, as well as the metapsychological ones, in order to elucidate the political elements underlying psychoanalytic theory. Finally, we present three authors we consider essential to the history of the field: Wilhelm Reich, Erich Fromm and Theodor Adorno, whose main interest was the study of authoritarianism. Through a critical and reflexive analysis, we show the contributions of psychoanalysis and how it was appropriated by these authors. This research is justified by filling a gap in the history of Political Psychology, and showing the relevance that psychoanalysis has had for political thought, especially during and shortly after World War II. Furthermore, the contributions of these authors are undoubtedly present, given the growing adherence to the authoritarian discourse observed in the 21st century / Este estudo tem por objetivo analisar as influências da teoria psicanalítica no processo de constituição da Psicologia Política, como campo de pesquisa. Inicialmente, enfocamos os pensadores franceses Alexis de Tocqueville, Gabriel Tarde e Gustave Le Bon, cujas contribuições acerca das revoluções francesas são relevantes ao campo. Em contrapartida, apresentamos os autores anglófonos Graham Wallas e Harold Lasswell, pois suas reflexões aportam distintas perspectivas aos eventos políticos, porém, não menos significativas para a posterior institucionalização da Psicologia Política. Em seguida, os principais textos sociais de Freud, bem como os metapsicológicos, são abordados com o objetivo de analisar os elementos políticos subjacentes na teoria psicanalítica. Finalmente, apresentamos três autores, que no nosso entendimento, são essenciais à história do campo: Wilhelm Reich, Erich Fromm e Theodor Adorno, cujo interesse principal era o estudo do autoritarismo. Por meio de uma análise crítica e reflexiva, buscamos mostrar as contribuições da psicanálise e como ela foi apropriada por esses autores. Esta pesquisa justifica-se por preencher uma lacuna na história da Psicologia Política e mostrar a relevância da psicanálise para o pensamento político, especialmente, durante e logo após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Além disso, é indubitável a atualidade desses autores, haja vista a crescente adesão ao discurso autoritário que se observa em pleno século XXI

Föreliggande uppsats är en studie om ämneslärarstudenters potentiella böjelse för auktoritarianism vid ämneslärarprogrammet på Mälardalens högskola i syfte att undersöka hur auktoritarianismen kan te sig i skol- och utbildningssammanhang. En böjelse för auktoritarianism kännetecknas av tre egenskaper: viljan att lyda en auktoritets order, aggressivitet mot de som inte underkastar sig auktoriteten och uppfattningen om att alla ska följa den auktoritära ordningens normer och lagar. För att undersöka detta har ett beprövat mätinstrument (Right-Wing Authoritarianism scale) ämnat att mäta förekomsten av sådan böjelse bland olika grupper via ett frågeformulär. Studiens resultat visade att ämneslärarstudenterna inte skiljde sig från en kontrollgrupp bestående av andra studenter vid Mälardalens högskola i böjelse för auktoritarianism. Varken ämneslärarstudenternas ämneskombinationer, avklarade verksamhetsförlagda utbildningar eller terminer vid programmet hade en effekt på deras böjelse för auktoritarianism. Däremot hade åldern en signifikant effekt på sagd böjelse: De som var i åldrarna 19-25 hade en högre grad av böjelse jämfört med de som var 30 år eller äldre. Dessutom korrelerade högre grad av böjelse för auktoritarianism med en negativ attityd till genuspedagogik, positiv attityd till användandet av disciplinära åtgärder i skolan och en positiv attityd till betyg i ordning och uppförande. Resultatet diskuteras i relation till forskning och litteratur om skolans utveckling under 2000talet.

Does authoritarian regime provide social protection to its people? What is the purpose of social welfare provision in an authoritarian regime? How is social welfare policy designed and enforced in the authoritarian and multilevel governance setting? Who gets what, when and how from the social welfare provision in an authoritarian regime? My dissertation investigates these questions through a detailed study of Chinese social health insurance from 1998 to 2010. I argue and empirically show that the Chinese social health insurance system is characterized by a nationwide stratification pattern as well as systematic regional differences in generosity and coverage of welfare benefits. I argue that the distribution of Chinese social welfare benefits is a strategic choice of the central leadership who intends to maintain particularly privileged provisions for the elites whom are considered important for social stability while pursuing broad and modest social welfare provisions for the masses. Provisions of the welfare benefits are put in practice, however, through an interaction between the central leaders who care most about regime stability and the local leaders who confront distinct constraints in local circumstances such as fiscal stringency and social risk. The dynamics of central-local interactions stands at the core of the politics of social welfare provision, and helps explain the remarkable subnational variation in social welfare under China's authoritarian yet decentralized system. This dissertation attempts to contribute to the studies of authoritarianism, decentralization and social welfare in the following aspects. First, in specifying the rationale, conditions and policy results of the interaction between Chinese central and local leaders in social welfare provision, the dissertation sheds light on how political leaders in an authoritarian regime with multilevel governance structure respond to social needs. The analysis of subnational politicians' incentive structure and policy choices in social welfare provision, which are missing in most extant studies of authoritarianism and social welfare, demonstrates an "indirect accountability" built into the Chinese social welfare provision. This "indirect accountability", evidenced by local leaders' proactive accommodation of social and local needs through social policies, may partially account for the puzzling resilience and flexibility of Chinese authoritarian regime. Second, the dissertation demonstrates that social welfare expansion, in some cases, is not a result of democracy but of resilient authoritarianism. Social welfare is one tool employed by authoritarian leaders to maintain regime stability. The political motivation for social welfare provision is different in non-democracies--it is more directly from top-down pressure of maintaining order rather than from bottom-up demands as in democracies--but this does not mean that non-democracies provide less social welfare than democracies do. Furthermore, the dissertation highlights the multidimensionality of social welfare policy and the trade-offs that politicians face in distributing welfare benefits. It suggests that politicians, no matter in democracies or non-democracies, face similar policy trade-offs (e.g. coverage versus generosity) in social welfare provision and that they make policy choices on the different dimensions of social welfare -coverage, generosity and stratification- according to the specific institutional and socioeconomic constraints they encounter. It is the combination of these different choices that constitute the variation of social welfare provision observed cross countries and within countries.