This thesis analyzes the role of political leadership in post-Soviet democratic transition in Kyrgyzstan by looking at the case of Askar Akaev. Despite the fact that a variety of components can be considered as relevant for the democratic transition process in Kyrgyzstan, due to the highly personalistic nature of Kyrgyz politics, the issue of political leadership needs to be addressed for this purpose. In that sense, the converse trajectories of Kyrgyz democratization (an initial democratic leap till mid-1990s which attracted world-wide attention and made Kyrgyzstan a promising candidate for democratization, afterward a democratic reversion and finally a slip to authoritarianism) correspond to the three stages in Akaev&amp / #8217 / s political leadership style (his emergence as a reform-minded politician, his initial liberal policies in political and economic spheres and his gradual reversion to authoritarianism). As a result, when Askar Akaev was ousted from his office in March 2005 by a public protest, Kyrgyzstan was far away from its world-wide accepted initial trajectory to democracy and became more similar to other authoritarian Central Asian Republics

Political parties proliferated in Senegal and other competitive authoritarian regimes in post-Cold War Africa. This dissertation examines the causes and consequences of that proliferation. Why do so many politicians create their own parties in this context and what are the consequences of party proliferation for opposition party behavior and presidential turnover? The dissertation addresses these questions with original data collected over sixteen months of fieldwork in Senegal, including over one hundred interviews, material from party archives, local press clippings, political biographies, and data on elections and party behavior. Party formation, strategy, and competition are shaped by the "uneven playing field," a hallmark of competitive authoritarian regimes that entails systematic, deep advantages for the ruling party in terms of access to political finance, media, and the state. Focused on Senegal, a critical case of party proliferation, the dissertation traces how the uneven playing field not only empowers the president to create incentives for proliferation; it also renders life in the opposition so difficult that many politicians form parties to negotiate their way into the state. A significant subset of Senegalese party leaders is primarily concerned not with competing in elections; they focus instead on patronage negotiation, which does not necessarily entail vote-seeking. Moreover, because most party leaders minimize their involvement in elections that are difficult to win, they rarely function as the consistent opposition parties that bolster liberal democracy. Party leaders rarely possess the endowments that foster such behavior- namely, prior experience as high-level state administrators and access to international private financing. Finally, in the absence of consistent opposition parties, ex-regime insiders often constitute the president's most serious electoral challengers. Insider opposition candidates' previous access to the state provides opportunities for political advancement that outsiders lack. / Government

Šio darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti jaunuolių nepakantos nuostatų raišką, tarpusavio ryšį ir socioedukacinių veiksnių įtaką jų raiškai, Šiaulių miesto studentų (Šiaulių universiteto, Šiaulių kolegijos) ir moksleivių (Šiaulių profesinės mokyklos) tarpe. Tyrimo instrumentas (autoritarizmo, autoritarinės šeimos struktūros, rasizmo, seksizmo, homofobijos skalės ir socioedukacinių faktorių blokas) - autorės sukurtas nepakantos nuostatų raiškos matavimo klausimynas - anketa. Magistro darbe, remiantis Lietuvos ir užsienio mokslinės literatūros analize, išanalizuotas nepakantos nuostatų kaip psichososialinio reiškinio konstruktas, atskleidžiant jo sampratą, struktūrą ir raiškos ypatumus; atskleista autoritarinių, rasistinių, seksistinių ir homofobiškų nuostatų raiška Šiaulių miesto jaunuolių populiacijoje, tarpusavio koreliaciniai ryšiai bei socioedukacinių veiksnių įtaka nuostatų raiškai. Tyrimas patvirtina autorės suformuluotą mokslinio tyrimo hipotezę, kad tarp visų nepakantos nuostatų yra teigiamas ryšys. Taip pat, pasitvirtino ir antroji hipotezė, kurioje teigiama, jog socialinių ir edukacinių faktorių įtaka nepakantos formų raiškai yra reikšminga. / The aim of this paper is to ascertain expression of intolerance attitudes of youth, their interplay and influence of socioeducational factors for attitudes expression in Siauliai University, Siauliai College and Siauliai professional school students population. The instrument of research (authoritarianism, authoritorian structure of the family, racism, sexism, homophobia scales and socioeducational factors unit) – attitudes measure questionnaire created by the author. By analyzing the foreign and local academical literature analyzed the intolerance attitudes as the psychosocial phenomenon construct, identifying the concept, structure and expression features; revealed the expression of the authoritarian, racist, homophobic and sexist attitudes of the youth population in the city of Siauliai, intercorrelation links and influence of socioeducational factors for attitudes expression The study author confirmed the research hypothesis, that between all intolerance attitudes there are positive link. Also confirmed the second hypotesis, which states that the social and educational factors influence is significant for intolerance attitudes expression.

Politinės valdžios organizavimo būdas – politinė sistema – neapriboja politinės valdžios vykdymo būdo. Politinio režimo pasirinkimas valstybėje suponuoja pagrindinių režimo idėjų perkėlimą į teisinę sistemą ir teisės aktus, kuriais nustatomas režimo veikimas. Politinio režimo apibrėžimas ir nustatymas bei pritaikymas bet kokiai valstybei yra svarbus savaime reiškinys. Egzistuojančio režimo analizė gali padėti suprasti valstybėje vykstančius procesus ir įsigilinti į tai, kokiomis pagrindinėmis teisėmis disponuoja tiek valdžios vykdymo institucijos, tiek ir pagrindinė valstybės varomoji jėga – piliečiai. Tinkamai teorizuoti politinį režimą ir išanalizuoti jo veikimo būdus, nustatyti, kokiais teisės aktais režimas yra įgyvendinamas ir kokias pagrindines normas nustato – aktualu visais laikais. Todėl nagrinėjamos temos aktualumas pasireiškia per galiojančio politinio – teisinio režimo analizės svarbą istorinio formavimosi kontekste ir palyginimą su kardinaliai besiskiriančiais režimais kitose valstybėse. Temos objektas – politiniai teisiniai režimai, tikslas - išanalizuoti egzistuojančius politinius teisinius režimus. Darbo uždaviniai: išanalizuoti, susisteminti ir pateikti valstybinio valdymo formas; išanalizuoti ir susisteminti politinių režimų sampratą, pateikti jų diferencijacijas ir formas; atlikti du empirinius tyrimus: išanalizuoti politinio režimo kaitą Lietuvoje, lyginant XX amžiaus konstitucijų kaitą, bei palyginti trijų užsienio valstybių (JAV, Baltarusijos ir Š... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Political systems doesn‘t limit government enforcement mode. Adoption of political regime implies its implementation into legitimacy. Definition of political regime and its enforcement is a very important issue for every single state. The analysis of regime implied into legitimacy of particular state helps us understand political process and political ruling. The actuality of this theme mostly relies on the analysis of states’ political regime and its development through historical, political and national changes. Object of this work is political regimes, and its aim - to analyse political regimes that exists in world. Main tasks given – to analyse and systematically present main state governing forms, fully analyse concept of political regimes, to present its’ differentiations and forms, also – to provide two empirical research: to analyse the impact of development of political regime in Lithuania, analysing its Constitutions in XX century and to analyse three various political regimes – ones existing in USA, Belarus and North Korea. States might be divided into republics and monarchies. Republics – presidential (representative) or direct democracy. Analysing republics by constitutional approach it may be also divided into parliamentary or presidential governing forms. Though mixed forms also exists. States, relying on theoretical approach and governing form may be also distinguished: unitary, federation and confederation. The governing regime depends on constitutional... [to full text]

This study is a meta-analysis of publications of the relationship of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) to racial/ethnic prejudice. In addition to examining the relationship between RWA and prejudice, two control/comparison analyses were conducted. The first looks at the relationship between RWA and attitudes toward homosexuality over the same time period as the racial prejudice analysis. An additional set of control analyses involved social dominance orientation (SDO). The hypothesis was that the relationship between RWA and racial/ethnic prejudice has decreased over time but that the relationships between RWA and anti-gay prejudice and the relationship between SDO and racial/ethnic prejudice and SDO and anti-gay prejudice will be relatively stable over time. The results showed as time passed there was a negative relationship between RWA and racial/ethnic prejudice, a positive relationship with RWA and anti-gay prejudice, a non significant correlation with SDO and racial/ethnic prejudice, and a negative relationship between SDO and anti-gay prejudice. / Department of Psychological Science

Lo studio analizza la relazione tra la struttura del potere neo-patrimoniale (fondata sullo scambio tra distribuzione arbitraria di opportunità economiche e lealtà politica) e la debolezza del sistema inter-statale arabo. Combinando un approccio storico-istituzionalista e un approccio intermestic, lo studio considera il neo-patrimonialismo arabo prodotto della contraddizione irrisolta tra la cristallizzazione delle sovranità statali imposte dalle ex-potenze coloniali e il progetto politico mancato della ‘Grande Nazione Araba’. Questa dinamica ha prodotto l’illegittimità strutturale dell’ordine inter-statale arabo, che investe lo stato nella dimensione territoriale e nella dimensione del potere. A cavallo degli anni 70’, nei regimi arabi si osserva una transizione dall’autoritarismo populista ad un sistema neo-patrimoniale. Esaminando i casi-studio di Egitto e Siria, questa tesi si propone di analizzare il divario tra lo state-building ‘weberiano’(legale-razionale) e ‘neo-patrimoniale’: in quest’ultimo, la mancanza di istituzionalizzazione legale-razionale impedisce la formazione di un legame di cittadinanza e asseconda la persistenza di identificazioni sociali tradizionali. In riferimento all’Egitto e alla Siria ,l’analisi mira a mettere in evidenza la relazione tra l’indebolimento (o il crollo) del regime e il collasso istituzionale dello stato. Questo fenomeno in Siria, a differenza dell’Egitto, si accompagna ad una ibridazione della sovranità statale, in virtù della frammentazione politicizzata della società siriana. / This thesis investigates the relation between Arab neo-patrimonial power structures (based on the arbitrary distribution of economic opportunities in exchange of political loyalty) and the weakness of the Arab inter-state system. Combining a historic institutional and an intermestic approach, this study considers neo-patrimonialism as the outcome of the unsolved contradiction between the crystallization of western-imposed sovereignties and the missed political project of the ‘Greater Arab Nation’ (contesting colonial borders). This has, in turn, produced the structural illegitimacy of the inter-state order, affecting both the territorial and the authority dimensions of the state. In dealing with this ‘legitimacy problem’, post-1970 Arab regimes have tended to replace populist authoritarian (ideological-grounded) with neo-patrimonial (material-based) power strategies. Through the cases of Egypt and Syria, the study aims at analysing the gap between a ‘Weberian’ (legal-rational) and a ‘neo-patrimonial’ state-building: in the latter case, the missing legal-rational institutionalization hinders a social identification based on citizenship, seconding the persistence of traditional identities. By examining Egypt and Syria’s power structures, this study enlightens the relation between regime collapse and institutional collapse. Unlike Egypt, which enjoys a substantial societal homogeneity, in Syria we witness the hybridization of state’s sovereignty, stemming from the politicized fragmented character of Syria’s society.

This thesis examines the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. The relationship between the state and civil society is discussed under the categories of the concepts democratisation, good governance and sustainable development. The nature of the relationship between the state and civil society in Africa is examined to set out parameters for state-civil society debate in Zimbabwe. The discussion of the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe is synthesised into three parts, the post-independence era, the post-1990s and the post-2000. From these discussions it is argued that the relationship between the state and civil society was peaceful in the first decade of independence and this was because the state maintained dominance and control over all sectors of civil society. However, the 1990s saw a collapse of peaceful relations between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. The collapse of the peaceful relationship between the state and civil society came as a result of the country’s economic decline and the authoritarian practices in Zimbabwe, which saw the emergence of a confrontational civil society towards the state. In the early 2000s, it is observed that the state became repressive towards civil society through the introduction of repressive laws which include Access to Information and Privacy Act (AIIPA) and the Public Order and Security Act (POSA). For peaceful relations between the state and civil society to exist in a sustainable manner, the state must continuously promote and practice democracy and good governance. In addition, the state should play a pivotal role of enhancing sustainable development in a manner that meets the socio-economic realities of its population. / Thesis (M.A. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2011

This thesis examines the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. The relationship between the state and civil society is discussed under the categories of the concepts democratisation, good governance and sustainable development. The nature of the relationship between the state and civil society in Africa is examined to set out parameters for state-civil society debate in Zimbabwe. The discussion of the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe is synthesised into three parts, the post-independence era, the post-1990s and the post-2000. From these discussions it is argued that the relationship between the state and civil society was peaceful in the first decade of independence and this was because the state maintained dominance and control over all sectors of civil society. However, the 1990s saw a collapse of peaceful relations between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. The collapse of the peaceful relationship between the state and civil society came as a result of the country’s economic decline and the authoritarian practices in Zimbabwe, which saw the emergence of a confrontational civil society towards the state. In the early 2000s, it is observed that the state became repressive towards civil society through the introduction of repressive laws which include Access to Information and Privacy Act (AIIPA) and the Public Order and Security Act (POSA). For peaceful relations between the state and civil society to exist in a sustainable manner, the state must continuously promote and practice democracy and good governance. In addition, the state should play a pivotal role of enhancing sustainable development in a manner that meets the socio-economic realities of its population. / Thesis (M.A. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2011

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1996. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 212-223). Also available on the Internet.

Honors Project--Smith College, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 30-32).