The formation of ideals inspired by heroic facts in campestral battles, during the landmarks of borders and the affirmation of national identities, evidenced the presence of a literary production engaged with that image. The poetry, in particular, contributed to the consolidation of certain social and politics structures associated with the interests of the dominant classes in each country during that period of occupation of the territory. This work aims at pointing some elements in the regionalist poetry which contributed so that the authoritarianism and the violence became intrinsic elements to the cultural formation of gauchos and gaúchos as a constituted society and also as individuals who reproduce such ideals. The confrontation among literary productions through a comparatist and an interdisciplinary approach (associated with the Frankfurt School's Critical Theory) is an attempt to keep the discussion in a constant tension, in the search of questioning the validity of certain concepts built along the history. / A constituição de idealismos alicerçados em condutas inspiradas nos feitos heróicos das batalhas campestres, durante as demarcações de fronteiras e da afirmação de identidades nacionais, evidenciou a presença de uma produção literária engajada com essa imagem. A poesia, principalmente, contribuiu durante esse período de ocupação do território com a consolidação de certas estruturas sociais e políticas associadas aos interesses das classes dominantes de cada país. Assim, há, através deste trabalho, uma preocupação em apontar elementos na poesia regionalista que contribuíram para que o autoritarismo e a violência se tornassem elementos intrínsecos à formação cultural de gaúchos e gauchos enquanto sociedade constituída e também como indivíduos reprodutores desses ideais. O confronto entre as produções literárias através de uma abordagem comparatista e interdisciplinar (associadas à Teoria Crítica da Escola de Frankfurt), procura manter a discussão em uma constante tensão, na busca de questionar a validade de determinados conceitos construídos ao longo da história.

La démarche générale de cette thèse est d’aller étudier le politique ailleurs que dans les oppositions, en explorant les ressorts de l’engagement et les logiques d’action au sein d’un parti hégémonique au pouvoir. A partir d’une enquête de terrain menée au Yémen entre 2008 et 2011 dans différentes sections locales du Congrès populaire général (CPG – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm), j’interroge les pratiques militantes ordinaires et les investissements dont le parti fait l’objet. Le CPG constitue un observatoire privilégié pour interroger l’exercice de la domination – ses modes d’imposition et de contournement – dans un contexte où le régime autoritaire se trouve contesté. Au pouvoir depuis sa création en 1982 et fondé sur l’accommodation historique d’acteurs politiques divers, le parti forme un cadre dans lequel opèrent et se déploient les réseaux de patronage du président Ali Abdallah Saleh (1978-2012). La structure de l’échange politique qui en résulte favorise le développement de dépendances matérielles qui n’excluent pas, si ce n’est entretiennent, des formes multiples d’attachement affectif et idéologique au parti au pouvoir. Je souligne dans cette thèse les ambivalences du soutien au régime autoritaire, l’évolution du régime d’obligations et de contraintes qui en découle, ainsi que l’ambivalence et la réversibilité de l’obéissance et du consentement. Ce travail invite ainsi à interroger les ressorts du fonctionnement et de la résilience d’un régime autoritaire et à dépasser les lectures fonctionnalistes réduisant le parti hégémonique soit à un instrument de reproduction du régime autoritaire, soit à celui de son irrésistible réforme / Contrary to political scientists’ tendency to focus on opposition actors and politics of contention in the Arab world, I study “the political” elsewhere. Built on extensive fieldwork carried out in Yemen from 2008 to 2011, my dissertation explores the motives of commitment, logics of action and everyday forms of activism in a hegemonic ruling party, the General people’s congress (GPC – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm) and in a context where the regime’s authority is contested. The GPC is a great observatory to interrogate the exercise of domination. Founded in 1982, the party has operated as a key apparatus of Ali Abdallah Salih’s authoritarian regime (1978-2012) and a relay for its patronage networks. Far from constituting a homogenous amalgam of president supporters within which discipline is obvious, deep divisions and contradictory logics of action strain the GPC. If its loose structure, the extreme heterogeneity of its members and the elasticity of its political line require the imposition of schemes of domination, they favour in return the expression of indiscipline. In this regard, I study diffuse modes of domination as well as ways to bypass, or even exploit, them. By exploring the dynamics of clientelist politics and politicisation promoted by the party, my dissertation underlines the ambivalences of “participation” and sheds light on the blurry frontier between compliance and resistance, consent and dissent

[pt] Este trabalho debruça-se sobre as obras de Adelaide Carraro (1925-1992) e Cassandra Rios (1932-2002), comumente referidas como as maiores pornógrafas da literatura brasileira, epíteto que evoca uma glória ambígua: a de serem campeãs de vendagem, sobretudo nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, e também recordistas em títulos censurados durante a última ditadura. Procuraremos mostrar como suas – vastas – bibliografias, identificadas entre si na paixão pelo visível da tradição naturalista e na forte presença de conteúdo sexual, configuram, não obstante, projetos distintos e em boa medida opostos. Projetos estes que mantém considerável coerência interna, ao longo de anos de produção contínua, combinando transgressão e conservadorismo de modo desafiador à interpretação. Para isso, baseando-nos no pressuposto de que a crítica não deve prescindir do objeto, utilizaremos um método até aqui relativamente pouco explorado no que diz respeito a Adelaide e Cassandra: a leitura de numerosos romances de cada uma delas, bem como entrevistas e artigos publicados na imprensa. Desta forma, questionaremos algumas proposições colhidas em sua escassa fortuna crítica, como aquelas segundo as quais seus trabalhos representam conspicuamente causas libertárias, ou consistem em outra coisa que não literatura. Ao mesmo, procuraremos iluminar aspectos pouco ventilados de seu legado literário, como sejam a crueldade, o idealismo, a aspiração à pureza. / [en] This study addresses the works of Adelaide Carraro (1925-1992) and Cassandra Rios (1932-2002), often referred to as the greatest pornographers of Brazilian literature, an epithet of dubious distinction. They were best-selling authors, especially in the 1960s and 1970s, and were also among the most censured during the last dictatorship (1964-1985). Their vast bibliographies are linked by a passion for the visible, which is proper to the naturalist tradition, and by a daring sexual content. This study will show, however, that the two authors had distinct and to a large extent contrary aims. Their literary projects, which maintained a significant level of internal cohesion over a long period of constant activity, combined transgressive and conservative elements in a way that challenges interpretation. Premised on the notion that critics should take full account of their objects of inquiry, this study breaks new ground by exploring a number of novels of each author, as well as interviews and press commentary. This study questions the scant body of previous criticism that easily associates their novels with emancipatory movements or excludes them altogether from the realm of literature. At the same time, this study brings to light oft-ignored features of these works, such as cruelty, idealism, and aspirations to purity.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-01-08T09:48:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 allonyrezendedecarvalhomacedo.pdf: 1361884 bytes, checksum: 62e0a9f58e1ac22c6175b8e8d0d8b993 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-01-25T16:54:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 allonyrezendedecarvalhomacedo.pdf: 1361884 bytes, checksum: 62e0a9f58e1ac22c6175b8e8d0d8b993 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-25T16:54:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 allonyrezendedecarvalhomacedo.pdf: 1361884 bytes, checksum: 62e0a9f58e1ac22c6175b8e8d0d8b993 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-18 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / A República brasileira decepcionou muitos de seus apoiadores ao promover o estabelecimento das oligarquias centrais no poder. O regime não abriu espaço para novas demandas políticas e sociais que se colocaram ao longo das décadas de 1910 e 1920, tornando-se frágil perante diferentes formas de crítica, que passaram do discurso às armas. Nesse sentido, esta dissertação procura avaliar eventuais proximidades entre o que produziam os críticos autoritários da República e o que pregava o Tenentismo no momento de suas primeiras ações armadas. Levando em conta os valores, tradições, práticas e representações fundadores da república liberal brasileira e impressos nas culturas políticas da época, com a contribuição dos propagandistas republicanos do final do século XIX; este estudo procura antes compreender qual a relação que os intelectuais autoritários e o Tenentismo detinham, no imediato de suas atuações, com estes universos de referentes, e a partir daí buscar qual o possível diálogo que os militares rebeldes travariam com os intelectuais autoritários, seus contemporâneos no debate. Afinal, ambos os grupos, que se projetavam como vanguarda das transformações que julgavam necessárias ao regime, dividiam o mesmo ambiente político-cultural de aguda crise dos paradigmas liberais fundadores da República. Para isso, além de uma retomada sobre as contribuições da ―geração de 1870‖ para a construção de um ambiente intelectual e republicano no país, as análises são estruturadas a partir dos ensaios produzidos pelos intelectuais autoritários, entre as décadas de 1910 e 1920, e dos manifestos, moções, cartas e relatórios lançados pelos militares rebeldes no calor das ações de 1922 e 1924. O objetivo final é explorar mais um possível componente do conjunto de referências político-culturais, que contribuiu para impulsionar alguns militares à ação armada, lançando mão de outra abordagem, além das sociológicas ou corporativas, desenvolvidas até então pela historiografia, centradas em atribuir um caráter predominantemente liberal à revolta militar. / The Brazilian Republic disappointed many of its supporters by promoting the establishment of the central oligarchies in power. The regime did not open up space for the new political and social demands developed over the 1910s and 1920s, becoming fragile in the face of different forms of criticism, which passed from speech to weapons. Therefore, this dissertation seeks to assess possible proximities between what the authoritarian critics of the Republic were producing and the Tenentismo were defending at the time of their first armed actions. Considering the values, traditions, practices and representations founders of the liberal Republic in Brazil and set out in the political cultures of the time, including the contribution of the Republican propagandists in the late 19th century. With these references, the aim is to understand the relationship that authoritarian intellectuals and the Tenentismo held at the time of their performances, from this point it would be able to find a possible dialogue from the rebels militaries with the authoritarian intellectuals, in other words, their contemporaries on debate. The liberal model of the Republic founders were facing an acute crisis. After all, both groups that projected as the vanguard of the changes they believed to be necessary for the regime, shared the same political and cultural environment. For this, beyond a retaking on the contributions of the "1870s generation" for the construction of an intellectual and Republican environment in the country, the reports are developed from the tests produced by authoritarian intellectuals, between the 1910s and 1920s, and the manifestos, motion, letters and reports introduced by rebel militaries in the heat of the 1922 and 1924 actions. The final purpose is to search another possible component of the set of political and cultural references, which helped to stimulate some military armed action, using another approach, beyond the sociological or corporate, developed until now by historiography, focusing on attach a predominantly liberal character to the military revolt.

Hong Kong is known for its specific political model composed by a hybrid system balancing democracy and authoritarianism. This work investigates the hegemonic nature of the interactions between the 2019’s democracy movement and the pro-Beijing actors and how they affected this systemic balance. Based on a case study, this essay mixes the hegemony, social movements and authoritarianism theories to carry out this research. The findings show a change of the systemic paradigm through the domination of the Chinese authoritarian system. This mainlandisation has occurred from a soft and hard power interactions between the two actors to reach a domestic hegemony. From a soft power lens, the collective action theory highlights a rising unbalance of power within the political and media institutions with the rising control of China, however, the movement through its ideas, capabilities and political opportunities formed a counter-hegemony. From a hard power lens, those interactions evolved in an escalation of symbolic and physical violence in terms of repertoires of actions and policing. This radicalization of the movement offered an opportunity to strengthen the control of China. This hybrid regime case shows that democracy movements have fueled an “authoritarianisation’ instead of a democratization.

In several modern countries, media have to operate in "disabling environments" with limited journalistic freedom and judicial independence. Central and Eastern European states represent such settings to various extent, as the takeover of media regulatory organisations and decreasing media pluralism have become characteristic for this region, indicating a systemic shift. Nevertheless, the high- profile cases of Poland and Hungary could have contributed to overgeneralised conclusions regarding the nature of such transformations, attributing them to, inter alia, the rise of right-wing populism. Using the method of paired comparison, this thesis examines Poland and the Czech Republic to determine the exact mechanisms of change behind media capture in these countries. I contend that different manifestations of neo-authoritarianism in the region are responsible for manifold attacks on media independence, including sophisticated strategies of using SLAPPs, strategic lawsuits against public participation, and increasing concentration of media ownership combined with potential conflicts of interest. I conclude by suggesting directions for further research and policy-making to address media freedom on both national and European levels.

This essay discusses how the new theoretical framework of “new” authoritarianism can explain the civil and political rights abuses in Venezuela since Nicolás Maduro became Present in 2013 until today. The presidency of Maduro has evoked international attention about the increasing authoritarian climate. His pursuit of increasing control and power has resulted in serious violations of people’s civil and political rights. New authoritarianism has four factors that have been applied on the case study of Venezuela’s civil and political rights violations. The factors’ indicators have specifically explained new authoritarianism’s relationship to the case of Venezuela. The use of law in other governmental powers, the military’s social control and use of force, the opposition’s resistance, the limitations on organizations, the discrimination of media and finally a discriminated public labor force explain the civil and political rights violations in Venezuela between 2013 and 2019.

MA (Political Science) / Department of Development Studies / See the attached abstract below

Broadly defined political ideology: Liberalism, Conservatism and Right-wing authoritarianism - often percieved as identical, are concepts dominantly used by researchers as descriptors of two distinct groups of people. However, this ideological understanding stems from overly generalized conclusions of current research: Empirically defined Social and Economic dimension of ideology is better described by two negatively correlated factors than one broad conservatism factor. Social and Economic conservatism and Authoritarianism are rather distinct concepts with specific personality and demographic correlates. Social and Economic ideology is - in part contrary to expectations - mostly predicted by Openness to Experience, Extraversion and Emotional stability. Economic conservatism differs from other ideological dimensions being mostly predicted by Income and Education. Social conservatism differs from Authoritarianism being predicted by Age. Moreover, in contrast with Authoritarianism, Economic and Social conservatism are both connected to unique opposite interactions of Income and Openness to Experience. Keywords Social and economic ideological dimensions, Authoritarianism, Personality predictors

CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of International Relations Master's Thesis 2018 Sarah Ahmed CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of International Relations The Activity of Organizations Supporting Civil Society in the Middle East: The Cases of Egypt and Turkey Master's thesis Author: Sarah Ahmed Study programme: International Relations Supervisor: PhDr. Jan Hornát, Ph.D. Year of the defence: 2018 Declaration 1. I hereby declare that I have compiled this thesis using the listed literature and resources only. 2. I hereby declare that my thesis has not been used to gain any other academic title. 3. I fully agree to my work being used for study and scientific purposes. In Prague on 31.07.2018 Sarah Ahmed References AHMED, Sarah. The Activity of Organizations Supporting Civil Society in the Middle East. Praha, 2018. 106 pages. Master's thesis (Mgr.). Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of International Relations. Department of International Relations. Supervisor PhDr. Jan Hornát, Ph.D. Length of the thesis: 198,979 Characters. Abstract First, this thesis will be focused on democracy promotion and civil society as concepts that emerged and occupied a large scholarly literature. I deem...