As international pressure for multiparty reforms swept Africa during the early 1990s, long-time incumbent, such as UNIP in Zambia, KANU in Kenya, and the MCP in Malawi, were simultaneously challenged by widespread domestic demands for multiparty reforms. Only ten years later, after succumbing to reform demands, many long-time incumbents were out of office after holding competitive multiparty elections. My research seeks an explanation for why this pattern did not emerge in Tanzanian, where the domestic push for multiparty change was weak, and, despite the occurrence of three multiparty elections, the CCM continues to win with sizable election margins. As identified in research on semi-authoritarian rule, the post-reform pattern for incumbency maintenance in countries like Togo, Gabon, and Cameroon included strong doses of repression, manipulation and patronage as tactics for surviving in office under to multiparty elections. Comparatively speaking however, governance by the CCM did not fit the typical post-Cold-War semi-authoritarian pattern of governance either. In Tanzania, coercion and manipulation appears less rampant, while patronage, as a constant across nearly every African regime, cannot explain the overwhelming mass support the CCM continues to enjoy today. Rather than relying on explanations based on repression and patronage alone, I locate the basis of post-reform CCM dominance in a historical process whereby a particularly unique array of social and economic policies promulgated during single-party rule culminated in comparatively affable social relations at the onset of multiparty reform. In Tanzania, this post-independence policy mix included stemming the growth of vast regional wealth differentials, a rejection of ethnicity as a basis for organizing collective action, and the construction of a relatively coherent national identity. By contrast, in most other African cases, policies under single-party rule acted to reinforce many of those economic and ethnic divisions inherited at independence. These divisions in turn, acted as material and moral capital for organizing dissent against incumbency, and the consolidation of opposition parties following political reform. / Political Science

This thesis contributes to the English school's growing literature on regional level international societies. Thus far English school scholars have demonstrated the existence of a post-Soviet regional international society. However, what is lacking is a clear defining of the members and institutions of this society. This paper gives particular attention to three questions: who are the actors, what are the primary and secondary institutions, and what role do these institutions play within the post-Soviet regional international society? Doing so contributes to the growing literature on the post-Soviet sub-global international society. In addition, it may be the case that Russian dominion is reflected through the network of secondary institutions in the post-Soviet international society. This thesis further investigates how the creation of this diplomatic structure allows Russia to contest the global diplomatic structure and project its great power status. / Master of Arts

This thesis is an examination of the evolution of tech-assisted repression in Putin's Russia. The thesis uses a novel analytical framework called the T.E.A. table framework, which organizes repression into three categories: techniques (the repressive acts themselves), effects (short-to-medium term individual and communal effects), and arcs (large-scale societal shifts over long periods of time). This framework is "tested" against two influential texts in the study of non-democratic politics: The Origins of Totalitarianism by Hannah Arendt and Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes by Juan Jose Linz. The following chapters look at the techniques, effects, and arcs of television-based repression, social media-based repression, and finally artificial intelligence-based repression. As these technologies have been introduced, there has been a consisted trend toward centralization, control, and increasing the granularity, or the personalization and adaptability, of repression. / Master of Arts / Authoritarianism is a form of government that opposes democratic values such as freedom of speech, the right to free and fair elections, and checks and balances. Repression is a term that entails the many ways that an authoritarian leader tries to consolidate power without regard for freedoms or rights. Many authoritarian countries in the modern world use technology to help keep control over their citizens. This thesis looks at how different technologies have been used by an authoritarian regime, in this case Russia under Vladimir Putin, in order to maintain control and restrict civil liberties and political rights. The technologies being looked at are television, social media, and artificial intelligence. The main findings are that these technologies are all being used in very different ways in order to reach some end goals: increased control over the activities of citizens, an increased amount of repressive technology in the country, and an increased amount of personalization in the repression citizens interact with, because personalized repression is more effective than non-personalized repression.

Abstract not available

This study introduces narcissistic entitlement as a correlate of homonegative attitudes and behaviors and examines the relative strength of relations along with established correlates of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), conformity with masculine norms, and intrinsic religious orientation. It also tests the role of negative attitudes towards lesbian women and gay men (ATLG) in mediating the relationship between the predictor variables and gay- and lesbian-rejecting and affirming behaviors. Implications for what these findings may offer psychologists are discussed, as are ways findings may inform the political process. Earlier studies support the link between entitlement and homonegativity (Exline, et al., 2004). Narcissism was positively related to dominance, neuroticism, social anxiety, and more aggressive/sadistic and rebellious/distrustful interpersonal styles (Emmons, 1984). Entitled narcissists are quick to take offense (McCullough, et al., 2003), externalize blame (Campbell, et al., 2000), and derogate or attack those who provide ego-threatening feedback or social rejection (Bushman, et al., 2003; Konrath, et al., 2006). Entitlement increases the risk of the narcissist becoming prone to hostile and reactive aggression and extreme violence, even without an ego-threat (Bushman, et al., 2003; Reidy, et al., 2008). Participants were recruited through the Department of Educational Psychology subject pool and data was collected by online survey. Given the focus on heterosexual men's attitudes toward lesbian women and gay men, participants were excluded from analysis if they identified as female, bisexual, or homosexual. Results indicated that entitlement, RWA, and intrinsic religiosity, but not conformity to masculine norms or SDO, were related uniquely to ATLG. ATLG was also related uniquely with measures of behavior, positively to gay- and lesbian-rejecting behaviors, and negatively with gay- and lesbian-affirming behaviors. ATLG was found to significantly mediate the links of entitlement and RWA with lesbian- and gay-rejecting behaviors. Results also indicated that the indirect link of intrinsic religious orientation with lesbian- and gay-rejecting behaviors was significant. Additionally, ATLG significantly mediated the links of entitlement with lesbian- and gay-affirming behaviors. Such an examination advances research and practice by identifying unique correlates of homonegative attitudes and the mechanisms through which they are related to lesbian- and gay-rejecting and -affirming behaviors. / text

The dissertation solves the empirical puzzle why similar regimes such as Morocco and Jordan vary in their engagement in family law reform between 1999 and 2013. Differences with respect to family law reform in the two monarchies are threefold: the way the reform processes were carried out, the content of the new family codes that were issued in Morocco in 2004 and in Jordan in 2010, and the way the laws were applied. Using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of practice as a theoretical framework the dissertation establishes the links between the designs of the legal systems, how reform processes are carried out, the family laws countries end up with, and the way the laws are applied. French and British colonialism had shaped the legal systems of Morocco and Jordan to different degrees, producing a legal system that was unified after independence in Morocco whereas the Jordanian one continued to be divided into regular and religious courts. As a result, Moroccan family courts are less autonomous and more subjected to political decisions than Jordanian sharia courts. The institutional design of both judicial systems affected how family law reform was carried out because those systems contain biases towards different actors who are seen as competent of reforming family law and thus came to influence the reform process. The different access criteria to the juridical fields promote different types of cultural capital, so that actors participating in the process have different preferences regarding the development of the content of family law. In Jordan, the absence of the Jordanian king allowed the sharia court administration to exploit the structural bias in its favour and come to dominate both the process and content of family law reform. For this reason the 2010 Jordanian family law reflects to a lesser extent the demands of women's groups. The absence of the Jordanian king from the reform process demonstrates that change in authoritarian states is not necessarily imposed from above nor is it predetermined from the beginning. The Jordanian reform process saw little engagement from the top-level of the regime and could be classified as a mid-level process. It was led by a government body, the sharia court administration, which however enjoyed relative autonomy from the upper echelon of the regime. By contrast, the Moroccan family law reform was a textbook example of authoritarian politics, the reform being imposed from above and the king playing a leading role during the process. In contrast to the process and content of reform, the application of the reformed law in Morocco challenges the notion of the omnipotent authoritarian regime. While the monarch could impose legislative change, the state is at best partially able to enforce this very law or to impose a consensus over its interpretation. The designs of the legal systems again had an impact here. International law occupies different places in the Moroccan and Jordanian constitutions: Jordanian sharia courts enjoy greater autonomy, reject international law, and thus were able to resist its intrusion.

[pt] O presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar como o princípio de autoridade, fundamental para a subsistência de qualquer instituição ou organização humana, aos poucos, foi se confundindo e se associando as pessoas ou as instituições religiosas que o exerciam, culminando com o autoritarismo. Dessa forma, a ação do Espírito Santo que é o princípio vivificante e vivificador da Igreja de Cristo, gradativamente foi sendo cerceada ou pelo menos limitada na eclesiologia cristã. Por conseguinte, houve o enrijecimento das estruturas eclesiásticas contribuindo para um forte êxodo nas instituições religiosas. Todavia, o Espírito Santo que permanece e floresce como fundamento e espaço vital nas Igrejas cristãs trabalha a fim de que estas possam superar as formas de autoritarismo que produzem a morte, conseqüentemente, permitindo às Igrejas a amplidão e o alargamento do sentido da vida no Espírito, bem como, a renovação e o ressurgimento de uma Igreja mais humana e solidária. Isto é, um novo modo de ser Igreja capaz de manter acesa a chama de esperança por uma vida mais justa e igualitária, no coração de cada ser humano. / [en] The present work has the purpose to demonstrate how principle of authority, fundamental to the survival of any human institution or organization, was gently mingling and associating with people or institutions that put in practice, culminating with authoritarianism. Thus, the action of the Holy Spirit that is principle vivifying and vivifier of the Church of Christ, was gradually being curtailed or at least limited in christian ecclesiology. Consequently, there was hardening of ecclesiastical structures contributing to a strong exodus from religious institutions. However, the Holy Spirit that remains and flouriches as a foundation and living space in the christian Churches works so that it can overcome the forms of authoritarianism that brings forth death, consequently, it enables Churches’ amplitude and enlargement of the meaning of the life in the Spirit, as well as, the renovation and resurgence of a more humane and caring Church; that is, a new way of being a Church able to keep the flame of hope burning for a more just and equalitarian life in the heart of every human being.

Orientador: Marcia Pereira da Silva / Resumo: Nesta tese analisamos como o escritor e jornalista Carlos Heitor Cony, entre os anos de 1964 e 1974, conquistou seu lugar em meio à intelectualidade brasileira do período ao discutir quais eram os espaços de ação da referida categoria durante a vigência da ditadura civil-militar. Com este objetivo em mente, selecionamos como objetos de estudo, as crônicas publicadas por Cony no jornal carioca Correio da Manhã entre abril e dezembro de 1964 e dois de seus romances, Pessach: a travessia e Pilatos publicados, respectivamente, 1967 e 1974. Acreditamos que cada uma das obras selecionadas para este estudo – considerando o conjunto das crônicas como um todo – representa um momento diferenciado de confronto do autor com o autoritarismo da época. O primeiro momento seria o de discussão e questionamento com a intelectualidade e com a sociedade como um todo, acerca dos rumos que o país tomava diante da escalada do autoritarismo do governo no decorrer dos primeiros meses de vigência do regime autoritário. O segundo momento seria o de reflexão acerca das possibilidades de ação do intelectual em meio à consolidação do governo ditatorial já no final da década de 1960, não descartando, naquele momento, a adesão à luta armada. O terceiro e último momento seria marcado pela desorientação e frustração da intelectualidade em meio aos chamados “anos de chumbo” da ditadura. Após percorrer a trajetória da escrita de Cony no período ditatorial, analisamos uma série de entrevistas dadas pelo escritor... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Doutor

Este trabalho busca aprofundar a análise sobre os aspectos autoritários do sistema político brasileiro durante o período conhecido como Milagre Econômico (1969-1973), cujo suporte ideológico foi fundamentado e sustentado pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento, produzida pela Escola Superior de Guerra. Através de ampla pesquisa bibliográfica de autores que se debruçaram sobre o tema, dos manuais de segurança nacional e, sobretudo dos planos econômicos que correspondem ao período estudado, em especial o Plano de Ação Econômica, Programa Estratégico de Desenvolvimento e o Primeiro Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento, percebemos o quanto o autoritarismo político foi necessário para que os governos militares impusessem um novo modelo econômico, que se de um lado propiciou o rápido desenvolvimento da economia e a redução da inflação, por outro, desvalorizou os salários dos trabalhadores, aumentou o processo de endividamento e de concentração de renda, aumentando ainda mais a desigualdade social no Brasil. Nossa pesquisa analisa também de que forma ocorre a renovação da tradição autoritária brasileira, do ponto de vista do sistema político que historicamente sempre reprimiu com violência movimentos de contestação a ordem vigente. Agora através da forte repressão política as forças de oposição aos militares, sob a égide do combate ao comunismo internacional no contexto da guerra fria. Por fim, o trabalho de pesquisa mostra que a acumulação capitalista do período estudado (1969-1973), só foi possível pelo emprego da violência institucional colocada em prática pelo Estado Autoritário, sob o comando das forças armadas. / This study seeks to deepen the analysis of the authoritarian aspects of the Brazilian political system during the period known as the Economic Miracle (1969-1973), whose ideological support was reasoned and supported by the National Security Doctrine and Development, produced by the War College. Through extensive literature survey of authors who have studied the subject, manuals and national security, especially economic plans that correspond to the period studied, in particular the Economic Action Plan, Strategic Program Development and the First National Development Plan, realize how the political authoritarianism that was necessary for the military government to impose a new economic model, which is a side facilitated the rapid development of economy and reducing inflation, on the other hand, played down the wages of workers, increased the process of borrowing and concentration of income, further increasing social inequality in Brazil. Our research also analyzes how is the renewal of the Brazilian authoritarian tradition, from the standpoint of the political system that has historically repressed violently protest movements established order. Now through strong political repression of opposition forces to the military, under the aegis of the fight against international communism in the context of the Cold War. Finally, the research work shows that the capital accumulation of the period studied (1969-1973), was made possible by the use of institutional violence put in place by authoritarian rule, under the command of the armed forces.

O presente trabalho propõe um estudo sobre a critica de George Orwell ao processo de manipulação da memória nas sociedades do entre guerras europeu. Serão tomados como referência para a compreensão desta crítica, seus escritos de não-ficção, entre os anos de 1937 e 1949, período que abarca suas reflexões sobre a Guerra Civil espanhola (1936-9) e a publicação de seu último trabalho em vida, o 1984 (1949). É inegável a profusão crítica em relação ao totalitarismo na obra de Orwell, especialmente em seus escritos ficcionais do final da década de 1940 o Animal Farm e o 1984. Contudo, foi exatamente em sua obra não-ficcional, tematizada aqui, que se construiu todo o arcabouço reflexivo de sua critica a supressão das liberdades individuais nas sociedades europeias das décadas de 1930 e 1940, especialmente através do processo de manipulação da memória. A critica de Orwell não visa somente os governos autoritários na Europa desse período ou em suas versões totalitárias no nazismo e stalinismo mas acaba por atingir a sociedade inglesa da década de 1940. O que Orwell vai destacar, principalmente em sua crítica jornalística, é um processo de manipulação das informações veiculadas na imprensa inglesa, seja ele institucional, através de órgãos governamentais, como o Ministério da Informação, seja na supressão de informações em periódicos de influência ou controle comunista (no sentido de não divulgarem posições contrárias às determinações do Cominterm), apontando para a construção de uma visão ´´oficial``, ´´autorizada``, primeiro sobre a Guerra Civil espanhola, e posteriormente, sobre inúmeros acontecimentos relacionados à 2º Guerra Mundial e a propaganda de guerra. / This work proposes a study of George Orwell\'s critical to the process of handling the memory in the societies of interwar Europe. Will be taken as reference to understand this criticism, his nonfictional writing, between the years 1937 and 1949, a period that spans his reflections on the Spanish Civil War (1936-9) and the publication of his latest work in life, 1984 (1949). Undeniably the critical profusion of the totalitarianism of Orwell\'s work, especially in his fictional writings of the late 1940s - the Animal Farm and 1984. However, it was exactly in his non-fiction, implied here, which is built around the framework reflective of the criticism of suppression of individual liberties in the European societies of the 1930s and 1940s, especially through the process of handling the memory. The criticism of Orwell does not only authoritarian governments in Europe of 7 that period - or their versions in totalitarian States of Nazism and Stalinism - but ultimately reach the English society of the 1940s. What Orwell will highlight, especially in its journalistic criticism, is a process of manipulation of information broadcast by the English press, be it institutional, through government agencies such as the Ministry of Information, either in the suppression of information in journals of influence or communist control (in the sense not to disclose positions contrary to the determinations of Cominterm), pointing to the construction of a official, authorized version, first on the Spanish Civil War, and later on various events related to World War Two and the war propaganda.