Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T14:24:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Luciane Farias Cabreira.pdf: 1135599 bytes, checksum: 1bde57b827a0b4808cff7a3a4749fe34 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-24 / This dissertation examines comparatively the Tenda dos milagres novel, written by Jorge Amado in 1969, and its filmic transposition, of the same title, directed by Nelson Pereira dos Santos in 1977. Discusses relations between literary text and the filmic text, presenting the analysis of narrative texts and reporting the result of the literature review of theoretical-critical support and the consolidation of filmic and literary corpus, considered the respective contexts in which the works were created and circulated. The theoretical amount mobilized for the completion of the critical reading of texts of fiction was selected between literary theories and movie, among them those of intertextuality, transcreation, the adaptation and the metalanguage, which enabled the comparative reflection. In a second moment, the text presents the comparative analysis itself between book and movie, based on the historical context of its elaboration and reception, marked by intolerance and repression, religious, social, cultural political and ethnic, brands from time of authoritarianism and institutionalized violence during the period of the civil-military dictatorship of 1964 post-coup Brazilian. In this context, the research examines the hypothesis that presides over the investigation, centered on the filmmaker's action, which, by means of the filmic language, Advancer-and-Turner reading for the apparent literary, showing the context of intolerance observed in history conveyed in book, but also questioning historical issues, recurrent in the formation of society and supporting the Brazilian cultural imagery. It is in this framework that the contrastive reading seeks to contribute to the study of the critical reception of the two works, read in conjunction and under the comparative bias. / A presente dissertação analisa comparativamente o romance Tenda dos milagres, escrito por Jorge Amado em 1969, e a sua transposição fílmica, de mesmo título, realizada por Nelson Pereira dos Santos em 1977. Aborda relações entre o texto literário e o texto fílmico, apresentando análise dos textos narrativos e relatando o resultado da revisão bibliográfica de suporte teórico-crítico e da consolidação do corpus literário e fílmico, considerados os respectivos contextos em que as obras foram criadas e em que circularam. O aporte teórico mobilizado para a efetivação da leitura crítica dos textos de ficção foi selecionado entre teorias literárias e fílmicas, dentre elas as da intertextualidade, da transcriação, da adaptação e da metalinguagem, as quais possibilitaram a reflexão comparativa. Em um segundo momento, o texto apresenta a análise comparativa propriamente dita entre livro e filme, com base nos contextos históricos de sua elaboração e recepção, marcados pela intolerância e pela repressão cultural, religiosa, social, política e étnica, marcas de tempos de autoritarismo e violência institucionalizados durante o período da ditadura civil-militar brasileira pós-golpe de 1964. Nesse âmbito, a pesquisa analisa a hipótese que preside a investigação, centrada na ação do cineasta, o qual, por meio da linguagem fílmica, manifesta leitura atualizadora para a obra literária, evidenciando o contexto de intolerância observado na história veiculada em livro, como também problematizando questões históricas, recorrentes na formação da sociedade e que sustentam o imaginário cultural brasileiro. É nesse quadro que a leitura contrastiva busca contribuir para os estudos da recepção crítica das duas obras, lidas em conjunto e sob o viés comparativo.

This paper addresses the issue of why Turkey has failed to develop and consolidate democracy in the regime. The aim of this paper was to analyze Turkey’s movement towards an authoritarian regime by examining institutions, the military, civil society and other contextual factors from 2004 to 2016. The method that was applied to this study was a case study were theories about democracy and transition were used to analyze Turkey’s declining development of democracy. The results show that several cases of corruption and the lack of political neutrality within important institutions have had a negative impact on the regime. The military’s influence on the political power has decreased although the military still has a significant role within the regime. The right to express your word of opinion by taking part in demonstrations is strictly constrained due to reforms by the government. Conflicts between the PKK movement and the Turkish government has contributed to the unstable political situation in the country. One can draw the conclusion that all of these factors have had an impact on Turkey’s development towards an authoritarian regime, but unprecedented behavior within the institutions, an authoritarian leadership by the president and increasing religious influence have had the greatest impact on Turkey’s way towards an undemocratic governance.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2015-12-16T19:13:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 luizmarioferreiracosta.pdf: 905100 bytes, checksum: 17d1d1171ea0e5eb914120d6cc350cee (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2015-12-17T11:11:41Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 luizmarioferreiracosta.pdf: 905100 bytes, checksum: 17d1d1171ea0e5eb914120d6cc350cee (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-17T11:11:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 luizmarioferreiracosta.pdf: 905100 bytes, checksum: 17d1d1171ea0e5eb914120d6cc350cee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-17 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A proposta de pesquisa está na análise da relação transnacional estabelecida entre duas duplas de intelectuais luso-brasileiros, Alfredo Pimenta e Gustavo Barroso, Plínio Salgado e Rolão Preto, durante a primeira metade do século XX. Para isso, utilizaremos os recursos metodológicos da história transnacional, cujos enfoques centrais são os subsídios e as estruturas imaginárias que transbordavam as fronteiras dos seus respectivos países. Sendo assim, o primeiro propósito refere-se à escolha de momentos específicos em suas trajetórias político-ideológicas que melhor sintetizam o processo de construção do “intelectual-herói”, termo que, em última instância, revelava o sonho dos quatro intelectuais de construírem uma autoimagem imaculada, e que em muitas ocasiões se confundia com o modelo empregado nas histórias escritas sobre os heróis míticos, sagrados ou profanos. A investigação busca um exame do principal bem simbólico e/ou produto cultural elaborado por este tipo de intelectual, a palavra escrita, que foi consumada pela apropriação das essências narrativas do Caramuru e do Sebastianismo e (re)significada através dos mitos contemporâneos da Conspiração e da Salvação. Assim, busca-se, por um lado, realizar uma análise transnacional entre as categorias míticas lusitanas e brasileiras e, por outro, estabelecer um ponto de interseção entre os mitos políticos, que estiveram presentes nos projetos intelectuais autoritários de construção do Estado aquém e além mar. / The research proposal is the transnational relationship analysis established between two pairs of Luso-Brazilian intellectuals, Alfredo Pimenta and Gustavo Barroso, Plínio Salgado and Rolão Preto during the first half of the twentieth century. For this, we will use the methodological resources of transnational history, whose approaches main are the subsidies and the imaginary structures that overflowed the borders of their respective countries. So, the first purpose refers to the choice of specific moments in their political and ideological trajectories that best summarize the process of building "intellectual hero", a term that fundamentally revealed the dream of these four intellectuals of build an immaculate selfimage, that in several occasions was confused with the model used in the stories written about mythical heroes, sacred or profane. The investigation quest an examination of the main and symbolic and / or cultural product produced by this type of intellectual, the written word, which was consummated by the appropriation of narratives essences of Caramuru and Sebastianism and (re) signified through contemporary myths of Conspiracy and Salvation. Thus, we seek the one hand, hold a cross-country analysis of the Lusitanian and Brazilian mythical categories and on the other, establish a point of intersection between the political myths, which were present in authoritarian intellectual projects of state-building and short overseas.

Over forty years ago, Hanna Pitkin expressed concern that social scientists were failing to give concepts the attention which they needed (Pitkin 1972, 277). This thesis takes up the same theme, asking how the concept of responsiveness is treated by political scientists. The goal to reveal confusion that surrounds widely used concepts such as responsiveness. The analysis offered in this thesis has significance for the discipline of political science in three ways. First, it highlights confusion surrounding the concept of responsiveness itself. Responsiveness is a widely utilized concept employed throughout the social sciences; however, as this thesis shows, there is wide disagreement in how the concept is understood. This confusion is fueled by the frequent failure of scholars to critically analyze the concept and the assumptions which have been attached to the understanding of responsiveness. Second, by analyzing the related concepts of representation and democracy, this thesis suggests that there is a lack of attention to concepts which are employed for research that extends beyond responsiveness. Many other concepts that are foundational to our discipline warrant increased scrutiny. Third and finally, the thesis highlights the danger of ignoring the ideological commitments of political scientists, commitments that can shape in hidden but consequential ways how we study the world around us.

Diploma thesis, titled " Comparison of theory and practice of authoritarian regimes in cases of Austria and Portugal between the world wars" deals with authoritarian Austria in 1934 - 1938 and authoritarian Portugal in 1926 - 1940. Diploma thesis is focused on theory of authoritarian regimes, also aimed at ideological base and authoritarian tendencies in both cases, trying to approximate Austrian and Portuguese authoritarian model. The most important part is focused on juxtaposition of theoretic concepts and their practice usage, confrontation of establishing authoritarian regimes in Austria and Portugal, also comparing regimes structures. Foreign policy connotations, which have influenced both regimes is also mentioned.

In 2018, the Sweden Democrats party has gained 17.5 per cent of the votes during the Swedish general elections. Consequently, with this success, they became the third largest party in the riksdag. However, the party’s rapid growth has created several questions in the political arena and the Swedish society about the party’s ideological affiliations and evolutions. The political scientists, Mudde (2010) and Widfeldt (2008) argue that in order to understand a party’s improvements, it is important to explore a party’s ideological evolution. Scholars have argued that Sweden Democrats have normalized their ideas and values; adopted liberal values in some policy areas in order to attract a large number of voters, succeed and survive in the political system. The aim of this study is to explore the party’s idea/ideology changes since its creation in 1988 until present 2019. Hence, the main purpose is to find out if the core ideologies of the Sweden Democrats - that is nativism, authoritarianism and populism- as expressed in their party programs respectively electoral manifestos, are characterized by continuity or by normalization, and adaptation to liberal values. Using Marie Demker’s (1993) concept of ideology, ideal types for radical right populism and liberalism have been constructed as analytical tool. The study shows that throughout the years, the party’s nativist world view and strategy have been changed and normalized, the authoritarian world view has mainly been constant but the strategy has had major changes; shifted to liberal values, and finally regarding populism; both world view and strategy are characterized by continuity.

Diese Dissertation Untersucht die verschiedenen Strategie- und Aktionsbündel der Protestbewegungsgruppen, um ihre Ziele für Jordanien während des Arabischen Frühlings zu erreichen. Der Fokus dieser Arbeit liegt dabei auf drei Protestbewegungen, die in diesem Zeitraum im Königreich agierten: die Free Assembly, die Liberation National Social Group und Sadaqa. Mein besonderes Augenmerk gilt der Fragestellung, inwiefern gruppeneigene Ressourcen, ihre Nähe zum Regime, politisches Framing und die Beurteilung politischer Opportunität ihren Verlauf geprägt haben. Basierend auf einer mehr als neunmonatigen Feldforschung und einer gleichzeitig teilnehmenden Beobachtung innerhalb einer der genannten drei Protestgruppen zwischen 2011 und 2013, stelle ich fest, dass sich die Entwicklungsstadien der Gruppen im selben autoritär geprägten Kontext voneinander unterscheiden. Während ich festgestellt habe, dass die Entstehung beziehungsweise die Mobilisierung aller drei Gruppen zu just diesem Zeitpunkt in den regionalen Ereignissen des Arabischen Frühlings begründet sind, bin ich auch der Ansicht, dass dieser regionale Faktor die Entwicklungsverläufe dieser Gruppen nur teilweise erklärt. Vielmehr gilt, dass der Werdegang der Protestgruppen in Jordanien in örtlichen Bedingungen sowohl eingebettet, als auch stark mit ihnen verflochten ist. Namentlich sind diese lokale sozioökonomische Klassenhierarchien, Spannungen zwischen der städtischen und dörflichen Bevölkerung, sowie die umstrittene Geschichte der palästinensischen Jordanier im Land. Diese vorherrschenden Umstände sind für die Analyse, wie die Gruppen ihre Ressourcen mobilisiert, ihre Agenden formuliert und mit der Regierung interagiert haben, um staatliche Unterstützung zu erhalten, von wesentlicher Bedeutung. / This dissertation examines the trajectories, or the culmination of strategies and actions that protest groups take toward achieving their intended goals during the Arab Spring in Jordan. I focus on three protest groups in the kingdom during this time period: The Free Assembly, the Liberation National Social Group, and Sadaqa. I specifically look at how each groups’ resources, regime links, framing, and assessment of political opportunity shaped its trajectory. Based on over nine months of fieldwork as well as participant observation within one of the three protest groups from 2011-2013, I find that the groups vary in their trajectories within the same authoritarian context. While I find that the regional events related to the Arab Spring explain why all three groups formed or mobilized at the time they did, I find this regional factor only partially explains the trajectories of these groups. Rather, the trajectories of protest groups in Jordan are also embedded and tied to local circumstances, namely: local socioeconomic class hierarchies, tensions between urban and local populations, and the contentious history of Palestinian-Jordanians in the country. These local circumstances are critical in shaping how the groups mobilized their resources, framed their agendas, and interacted with the regime in ways that allowed them to gain public support.

My dissertation focuses on few selected First Republic travelogues and its authors who in their works reflected their own subjective relationship towards the Soviet Union in the first half of the 20th century. By the gradual assessment of the research questions that I define by my complex approach at the end of my dissertation I reach the conclusion that I outline in the introduction. The goal of my methodological research is to evaluate the ability of recognition and reflexion of selected intellectuals and their perception of reality of the Soviet regime in the span of two decades by analytical and comparative methods divided into six chapters. The thesis focuses on such topics as a theory of non-democratic regimes, ideas, contemporary history and literary history. The travelogue reports of choice are going to provide a picture of contemporary Soviet society that was idealized by some intellectuals who, unlike others, could not have seen through the illusion that the Soviet Union had created. Key words: Czechoslovakia, Soviet Union, authoritarian, totalitarian, Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism, Communism, Bolshevism, reality, illusion, travelogues, reports

The concept of “Environmental authoritarian” becomes the focus of discussion in the academic field of environmental politics since it has limited observations. In the recent years, the severe air pollute issue is considered as a threat by both citizens and authorities in China. Along with the more stricter environmental protection laws being issued, even the measures of the factory closings and coal ban seems to become acceptable as the population  have suffered in the heavy smog for years. Does this led to the rise of “environmental authoritarian” in China?  Taking this as a heuristic point, I observe the positions of various stakeholders in the environmental governance as well as present the findings from research on the implementation and enforcement of air pollution controls measures in Jing-Jin-Ji region. I offer a critical examination of “environmental authoritarian”, especially the levels of public participation at the policy process. After to do the research, the key funding is that the concept of “Environmental authoritarian” is too simplified, it cannot cover the complex and detailed environmental governance at local empirical cases.

No description available.