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This study focused on the relationship of five variables: rape myth acceptance, attitudes toward rape victims, sex roles, authoritarianism, and Christian fundamentalism. Also, differences between men and women were compared. The study was conducted at East Tennessee State University, and 100 people participated. Contrary to past research, Christian fundamentalism was not a significant predictor of rape myth acceptance or attitudes towards rape victims, but there were significant relationships between all of the other variables. Men were found to be more accepting of rape myths and had a more negative view of rape victims than did women. Implications of these findings, future research ideas, and possible rape-awareness educational programs are discussed.

Modern theories of authoritarianism have stressed the importance of threat to the expression of authoritarian attitudes and intolerance. Arguably, authoritarian tendencies may have increased during COVID-19 pandemic, a major threat to life and security. One issue arising when comparing mean scores is that of measurement invariance. Meaningful comparisons are only possible, if latent constructs are similar between groups and/or across time. This prerequisite is rarely ever tested in research on authoritarianism. In this study, we aim to analyze the short scale for authoritarianism KSA-3 by investigating its measurement invariance on two levels (three first-order and one second-order factors) and latent mean changes using two German representative samples (N = 4,905). Specifically, we look at differences before and during the pandemic (2017 vs. 2020). While measurement invariance holds across both levels in all conditions, we find a decrease in latent means in 2020, contrary to expectations and established theories. Moreover, latent means differ with regard to gender, education, and east–west Germany. We conclude that analyses of latent means and measurement invariance instead of mean comparisons with composites should become the standard. Future studies should focus on threat as a moderator between authoritarianism and intolerance, and on possible interactions with context variables.

In November of 1964, California voters approved by a very substantial margin the legislative measure known as Proposition 14, a hotly contested constitutional amendment which abolished all then-existing Fair Housing Legislation and prohibited local levels of government from acting in such matters in the future. This legislation was sponsored by the California Real Estate Association and essentially was a response to a recently passed Fair Housing Law known as the Rumford Act, which prohibited discrimination in the sale and rental of housing and assigned enforcement responsibilities to the State Fair Employment Practices Commission. During the year preceding the election, the issue had become one of intense concern in California and to a lesser extent nationally. Official church bodies and other civic and professional organizations were drawn into strong opposition; volunteer opposition groups were formed throughout the state; the constitutionality of the measure was challenged in the State Supreme Court; and in general the matter became one of deep emotional involvement. Substantially, during the campaign, attitudes focused around the questions of morality, human rights, and constitutional rights.

This study examines the decision-making processes of residents in Turkey’s urban regeneration projects employing a single case study, namely, Çorum’s Kale neighbourhood. Çorum is a city with 250,000 inhabitants located in Black Sea Region. The aim is to uncover the factors influencing residents’ acceptance or rejection of urban regeneration and the role of the Turkish government in shaping their decisions. The thesis utilizes a Gramscian theoretical framework and mainly focuses on the fluid relationship between consent and coercion (Fusaro et al., 2017). Methods used in this research include reviewing relevant project documents and newspapers, various types of interviews including semi-structured, go-along and expert interviews, field observations, and photographic documentation of the neighbourhood, along with Tillmann-Healy’s (2003) “Friendship as method” approach capitalizing on the trust between neighbours and the researcher’s grandmother who resides in the investigated urban regeneration site. The literature reveals that the main factors shaping residents’ decisions both globally and in Turkey are the extent of resident participation in these initiatives, the presence of neoliberal authoritarian governance, residents’ socioeconomic positioning, cultural identity, tenure status, informal land ownership and perception of benefits like expanded infrastructure along with enhanced living standards, as well as their fears of forced eviction and displacement. On top of these factors, in Turkey, residents’ decisions are also shaped by fear of expropriation, religious and ethnic disparities, varying laws with different powers and the combination of neoliberal authoritarian governance with Islam. The empirical findings of this thesis suggest that the central issues causing Kale neighbourhood’s residents to reject urban regeneration are the absence of economic advantages provided by the government, which involves undervaluing their existing properties, reselling newly constructed relatively smaller units with higher prices and indebting them with substantial mortgages for extended periods. All in all, this thesis finds that residents’ decision-making process is multifaceted, involving a complex interplay of diverse factors that often affect them concurrently, underscoring the necessity for a holistic examination of their motivations. The thesis contributes to the existing literature by presenting a nuanced analysis of decision-making regarding urban regeneration in a highly polarized and contentious context. Furthermore, it adds to existing studies by presenting research on understudied, peripheral geography in Turkey, offering valuable insights into urban regeneration processes outside of the urban centers.

Moral Foundations Theory (MFT) suggests there are five distinct moral dimensions, which define morality as a whole. MFT can be broken down into two groups binding: in group/loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity-which encompass group morality. Harm/Care, fairness/reciprocity are individualizing dimensions, which highlight individual morality. Recent work has found MFT predicts sociopolitical ideologies, as well as sociopolitical attitudes. In an effort to better understand the existing relationships we investigate MFT as a predictor of sociopolitical parties, and attitudes Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO). We also draw on similarities between Individualism/Collectivism and MFT. Specifically we demonstrate individualizing foundations, and dimensions of individualism predict SDO, where as Binding dimensions and dimensions of Collectivism relate to RWA.

Workplace bullying is a recently recognized problem within organizations. Two personalities may be theoretically related, and may be able to predict this aggressive behavior: right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation. However, it is still unclear how to measure right-wing authoritarianism as a construct. Two surveys were distributed. The first was to assess the factor structure inconsistency among the literature. A three-factor operationalization was supported. Analysis of the second survey examined the relationship between the aggression dimension of right-wing authoritarianism, dangerous worldview and workplace bullying; as well as the relationship between social dominance orientation and competitive worldview on workplace bullying. No significant relationship was found between authoritarian aggression and workplace bullying, however, social dominance orientation fully mediated competitive worldview and workplace bullying. Theoretical implications, limitations, and practical applications are discussed.

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