Since the end of the military dictatorship in 1989, Chile’s prolonged and arduous transition to democracy has continued. It has been more than a decade of political and social processes, full of uncertainties, doubts and compromises. It has been a transition marred by the political and economic remnants of the military dictatorship, by a highly restrictive and authoritarian legal and constitutional system, and by a political class, and, for a long period unable to introduce truly democratic changes. The dynamic of the Chilean transition has had a deep effect on many sections of the Chilean society, especially the media, traditionally one of the key spheres of public debate. The underlying argument of this work is that the Chilean transition to democracy, a political and economic phase achieved by negotiation and compromise, was not accompanied by the establishment of a more democratic, pluralistic media system. This thesis examines, from a multidisciplinary perspective, the context, the process and the development of the media during the first decade of the transition to democracy (1990-2000). Its fundamental objective is to understand the relationship between journalism, the media and the democratic political processes in a post-dictatorship society. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

本論文旨在探討台灣地方派系與選舉之關係，並以雲林縣作為個案，分別探討雲林地方派系的形成及發展及權力結構、派系與選舉提名、派系與選舉動員、派系與選舉結果等問題。文分六章，各章重點如下： 　　第一章：除說明研究動機外，並以文獻探討及訪談等作為主要研究方法；而就理論架構方面，主要以派系理論及恩庇侍從(patron-client）理論為基礎，探討威權體制下，派系如何經由恩庇侍從關係的連結，而得以在選舉中發揮巨大影響力。 　　第二章：首先就社會文化及政治經濟的角度，說明台灣地方派系形成的背景因素，從而進一步描繪雲林縣地方派系的形成發展及權力結構。 　　第三章：本章分二大部分，第一部份敘述四十餘年來國民黨提名政策的演變；其次，並以雲林縣十餘年來省級以上民意代表及縣長選舉為例，探討國民黨在歷次選舉的提名策略，以及派系競爭提名的衝突過程；從而進一步補充了前述之雲林縣地方派系的形成及發展部分。 　　第四章旨在探討派系與選舉動員；第一節敘述派系的動員基礎，包括農會、水利會、信用合作社、學校、行政系統、黨務系統等動員網路；其次，在第二節中，本文則探討在此動員基礎下，派系與樁腳的互動關係；第三節以二屆國大代表及二屆立法委員選舉為例，說明各候選人的動員基礎及派系網路。 　　第五章旨在以雲林縣歷年來省級以上民意代表選舉的開票結果作基礎，探討地方派系與得票率，當選率及投票率的關係。 　　第六章結論。

<p>The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.</p>

This research examined a model of authoritarian personality development within people from Aceh, the province in Indonesia that has been in political conflict since 1976. A number of measures were administered online using InQsit BSU software. These measures assessed bad wartime experiences (BE), social identification with Aceh, social conformity, a worldview of social threat, social uncertainty, chronic anger rumination, individualist-collectivist cultural orientation, and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). 215 Achenese citizens between 18 to 57 years of age served as participants. The results showed that participants were clearly collectivists. As predicted, regression analyses demonstrated that BE correlated positively with social threat, when threat was measured at a societal level [i.e., Belief in a Dangerous World (BDW)]. The relationship of BEBDW was completely mediated by social identification. Also as predicted, a strong and positive correlation was found between BDW-RWA. A hypothesis concerning anger rumination was not supported. Anger rumination did not mediate the relationship between BDW-RWA or between Uncertainty-RWA. Interestingly, the relationship between rumination and RWA was in a negative direction. The present study replicated work by Duckitt (2002), and extended that work by examining the mediational role of both Social Identification and BDW in the Conformity-RWA relationship. Another new finding is that cultural orientation (especially vertical collectivism) contributed to RWA in much the same way as social conformity. The limitations of this study are discussed and suggestions for future research are presented. / Department of Psychological Science

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the authoritarian Karimov regime in post-Soviet Uzbekistan on a comprehensive basis and shed light on the domestic and international factors that has shaped this regime. The thesis consists of three main parts. The first part of the study defines the concepts of democracy and authoritarianism and provides the criteria to determine if a regime is democratic or authoritarian. The second part applies the theoretical framework developed in the first part to Uzbekistan. The third part deals with the factors that helped Karimov to strengthen his authoritarian rule in the country. The main argument of this study is that the incumbent leadership in Uzbekistan has failed to take steps to establish democracy in the country in post-Soviet period. The changes that were introduced proved to be only decorative, they lacked substance. The president of the country, Islam Karimov, has aimed at consolidating his own authority rather than establishing democracy and that his attempts to realize this aim resulted in the strengthening of executive branch in Uzbekistan at the expense of legislative and judiciary, silencing of the opposition forces, curtailment of the civil and political rights of the citizens, restriction of autonomy of civil society organizations and media.

This study seeks to analyze the process of transition and democratization in Kyrgyzstan from 1990 to 2000. The collapse of the Soviet Union opened new political perspectives for Kyrgyzstan and a chance to develop sovereign state based on democratic principles and values. Initially Kyrgyzstan attained some progress in building up a democratic state. However, in the second half of 1990s Kyrgyzstan shifted toward authoritarianism. Therefore, the full-scale transition to democracy has not been realized, and a well-functioning democracy has not been established. This study aims to focus on the impediments that led to the failure of establishing democracy in Kyrgyzstan. It analyzes the role of economy, political elites and political culture in the form of tribalism in Kyrgyzstan within the framework of the economic and political changes that have been undergoing since independence. The political and economic developments in Kyrgyzstan are discussed with specific reference to the hardships in economic transition, elite continuity and role of tribal and clan structures in present politics.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 312-338).

Dans les expériences de Milgram sur la soumission à l’autorité (Milgram, 1963, 1965, 1974), les participants se sont vus ordonner d’administrer une série de chocs électriques d’intensité croissante à un autre participant (en réalité compère de l’expérimentateur) au nom d’une étude sur les effets de la punition sur l’apprentissage. Les résultats montrent que 62.5% des participants ont été jusqu’à infliger plusieurs chocs potentiellement mortels (condition standard ; Milgram, 1974). Ces résultats ont suscité un fort intérêt et sont toujours largement cités pour expliquer certains comportements destructeurs comme les actes de torture et de barbarie. Mais les travaux de Milgram ont également provoqué une forte controverse éthique et toute possibilité de réplication a été rapidement proscrite. Dans ce contexte, peu d’études expérimentales ont été réalisées et la question des mécanismes responsables de l’obéissance destructrice (OD) demeure sans réponse. La recherche récente a pu relancer l’étude expérimentale de l’OD par l’usage d’environnements immersifs. Ainsi, une récente étude IRMf reposant sur l’utilisation d’une version virtuelle du paradigme de Milgram montre que l’observation de la douleur de la victime dans ce contexte provoque un état de détresse personnelle chez les participants (i.e., réaction émotionnelle aversive centrée sur soi). Ce résultat suggère que l’OD pourrait être en partie la conséquence d’un défaut de régulation de la détresse provoquée par les mécanismes de résonance empathique. En nous appuyant sur la recherche récente en neurosciences sociales, nous avons fait l’hypothèse que la vulnérabilité au stress pourrait faciliter l’OD via l’exercice d’un contrôle inhibiteur sur la résonance empathique responsable d’une diminution de l’aversion pour l’atteinte à autrui. Nous avons réalisé six expériences visant (i) à examiner l’influence du tonus vagal (biomarqueur de la vulnérabilité au stress) sur l’autoritarisme de droite (prédicteur classique de l’OD) et sur l’OD, (ii) à manipuler expérimentalement la capacité des participants à exercer un contrôle inhibiteur durant la procédure d’obéissance, (iii) à explorer la relation entre ondes thêta (biomarqueur du contrôle inhibiteur) et OD, (iv) à examiner la relation entre OD et activité hémodynamique au niveau du cortex préfrontal ventromédian (incluant le cortex orbitofrontal) et du cortex préfrontal dorsolatéral, régions cérébrales fortement impliquées dans l’empathie et la cognition morale. L’obéissance a été mesurée à l’aide de l’« Immersive Video Milgram Obedience Experiment ». Dans ce qu’ils ont d’essentiel, nos résultats montrent : (i) qu’un moindre tonus vagal prédit l’autoritarisme de droite et l’OD, et que les participants obéissants ont exercé un effort cognitif couplé à une diminution du stress physiologique durant la procédure d’obéissance (études 2 et 3), (ii) que l’affaiblissement expérimental du contrôle inhibiteur via l’induction d’une « fatigue mentale » favorise la désobéissance et supprime l’influence de l’autoritarisme de droite sur l’OD (étude 4), (iii) qu’une augmentation de la puissance des ondes thêta prédit l’OD (étude 5), (iv) qu’une augmentation de l’oxy-hémoglobine au niveau du cortex préfrontal ventromédian droit prédit une moindre obéissance (étude 6). Dans leur ensemble, ces résultats supportent l’hypothèse voulant que les personnes présentant une plus grande vulnérabilité au stress exercent un contrôle inhibiteur sur leur résonance empathique dans un effort pour diminuer leur détresse, et que ce contrôle inhibiteur a pour conséquence une diminution des réponses émotionnelles aversives à l’atteinte à autrui et ainsi une augmentation de l’OD. / In the Milgram's obedience experiments (Milgram, 1963, 1965, 1974), naive participants were ordered to administer increasingly severe electric shocks on a “learner” (a confederate) after being told that they were participating in an experiment on the effects of punishment on learning. Results revealed that 62.5% of the participants were willing to administer allegedly lethal electric shocks when ordered to do so (standard condition; Milgram, 1974). The Milgram's findings are still often cited when explaining destructive behaviors such as torture. The Milgram’s obedience studies have also been a target of ethical criticism and replication has been discouraged. In such a context, a very few experimental studies has been conducted since the Milgram’s experiments and the mechanisms responsible for destructive obedience remain unknown. Recent research reopens the door to direct empirical study of destructive obedience through the employment of immersive environments. A recent fMRI study showed that pain-related affective sharing in a virtual version of the Milgram paradigm elicited an aversive, self-oriented state of personal distress. This result suggests that low self-regulatory control of the shared affect evoked by the victim’s pain could be responsible for destructive obedience. Based on recent social neuroscience research, we hypothesized that stress vulnerability may facilitate destructive obedience through a mechanism of inhibitory control over empathic resonance responsible for decreased harm aversion. We conducted six studies aiming (i) to explore the influence of cardiac vagal tone (a biomarker of stress vulnerability) on right-wing authoritarianism (RWA, a classic predictor of destructive obedience) and on destructive obedience, (ii) to induce a self-regulatory fatigue in order to manipulate the participants’ abilities for inhibitory control during the obedience procedure, (iii) to explore the relation between theta oscillations (a biomarker of inhibitory control) and destructive obedience, (iv) to examine the relation between destructive obedience and hemodynamic response in the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (including the orbitofrontal cortex) and the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, two brain areas highly involved in empathy and moral cognition. Obedience was measured using the “Immersive Video Milgram Obedience Experiment”. All in all, our results showed: (i) that lower vagal tone predicted higher RWA and destructive obedience, and that obedient participants exerted a cognitive effort associated to decreased physiological arousal (studies 2 and 3), (ii) that self-regulatory fatigue reduced destructive obedience and suppressed the influence of RWA, (iii) that increased theta power predicted destructive obedience (study 4), (iv) that increased oxygenated-hemoglobin in the right ventromedial prefrontal cortex predicts disobedience. On the whole, these results support the hypothesis that individuals with high in stress vulnerability exert an inhibitory control over their empathic resonance in an attempt to reduce their own distress, and that such a mechanism is responsible for decreased harm aversion and then destructive obedience.

Centrée sur le contexte des « longues années 68 », la thèse porte sur les raisons et le déroulement de la protestation juvénile entre les Etats-Unis et l’Europe, à partir du début des années Soixante jusqu’à la moitié de la décennie suivante. Il s’agit d’une période durant laquelle les pays développés connaissent une transformation sans pareil, marquée par l’élargissement de la société de consommation de masse et par le progrès frappant dans le domaine de la communication. La recherche vise surtout à éclairer deux questions principales : définir le rôle joué par la contre-culture dans la vague révolutionnaire et encadrer la dimension internationale du mouvement. Ce travail est donc divisé en deux parties : la première aborde les causes et l’esprit de la contre-culture à partir de ses racines américaines, tandis que la deuxième partie sera centrée sur les agitations étudiantes dans les pays de référence. En ce qui concerne les acteurs de la mobilisation, la recherche porte sur trois sujets principaux : les groupes undergrounds, le mouvement étudiant international et la révolte italienne de Soixante-dix-sept. Il s’agit de trois sujets qui représentent trois phases distinctes dans la chronologie du « cycle de protestation », un cycle qui se déroule dans un récit déchiqueté où on assiste à un changement continu de paradigme. Malgré cette inconstance fondamentale, il subsiste des mots d’ordre qui occupent une place privilégiée dans la mentalité des activistes : anti-autoritarisme, égalitarisme, répression, droit, révolution restent les nœuds théoriques les plus significatifs de la contestation dans le milieu juvénile, étudiant et également ouvrier. / Centred on the political and cultural context of the “long Sixties”, this work examines the reasons and the dynamics of social movements between USA and Europe, focusing on the period from 1960 to the mid-1970s. It was a period of great transformations where the affluent societies witnessed an explosive growth both in social field and in technological domain. This thesis aims above all to understand two main issues: the role counterculture played in the war protest and civil rights movement and the international dimension of this phenomenon. Thus, this research is divided into two parts: the first section concerns with the underground movement beginning with its American roots while the second part is dedicated to the student movement thought an international perspective. Concerning the social actors involved in the mobilisation, this work is focused on three main subjects: the counterculture groups, the several student movements and the militants of Italian 1977 revolt. It means to analyse three different moments in the “protestation cycle” of long Sixties that remains a tumultuous period of paradigm shifts. In spite of this instability, it is possible to indicate some keywords that characterise the spirit of the age: anti-authoritarianism, egalitarianism, repression, rights, and above all, revolution remain the more significant theoretical questions on which this work revolves.