Inhalt: 1. Fragestellungen und State of the Art 1.1 Forschungsfragen 1.2 Über den Stand der Forschung 1.3 Opposition in autoritären Regimen – klassisch und aktuell 2. Analyseschritte 2.1 Opposition in politischen Systemen 2.2 Handlungsdimensionen der Opposition 2.3 Idealtypen der Opposition in autoritären Regimen 2.4 Fünf forschungsleitende Hypothesen 3. Literaturverzeichnis

Welche Rolle hat die politische Opposition in autoritären Regimen? Das vorliegende Arbeitspapier formuliert generelle Überlegungen zum Phänomen des Autoritarismus im 21. Jahrhundert und entwickelt ein Konzept, mit dem regionenübergreifend das politische Agieren der Opposition in autoritären Regimen analysiert werden kann.

This thesis explores one particular facet of contemporary state-society relationship in China, i.e. state-student relationship. By arguing against the popular observation that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) retreated from Chinese universities as a way of winning students’ support, this thesis claims that the party-state has adopted a “bird cage” strategy in post-Tiananmen university governance. That is to say, the party-state has not only re-established and strengthened its control institutions in universities, but at same time expanded its zone of tolerance and created new outlets for students’ political enthusiasm and participation. A four-city, seven-university field survey was conducted, the result of which supports the view that the CCP’s post-Tiananmen governance strategy has been effective. Respondents agree that party’s governing institutions are resilient and play important roles in students’ life. They also seem to be in agreement with, at least as the survey results indicate, important political ideas promoted by the party-state.

This thesis explores one particular facet of contemporary state-society relationship in China, i.e. state-student relationship. By arguing against the popular observation that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) retreated from Chinese universities as a way of winning students’ support, this thesis claims that the party-state has adopted a “bird cage” strategy in post-Tiananmen university governance. That is to say, the party-state has not only re-established and strengthened its control institutions in universities, but at same time expanded its zone of tolerance and created new outlets for students’ political enthusiasm and participation. A four-city, seven-university field survey was conducted, the result of which supports the view that the CCP’s post-Tiananmen governance strategy has been effective. Respondents agree that party’s governing institutions are resilient and play important roles in students’ life. They also seem to be in agreement with, at least as the survey results indicate, important political ideas promoted by the party-state.

Part I: An Intellectual and Political History. Chapter One: Cold War Consensus Shattered. Chapter Two: Dictatorships and Double Standards. Chapter Three: The Carter Years: Was Kirkpatrick Right? Part II: Kirkpatrick and the Reagan Administration Chapter Four: The Kirkpatrick and Reagan Doctrines Chapter Five: Putting Policy to Practice: Chile and El Salvador

This research examined the effects of personal characteristics (empathy and authoritarianism) and religious orientations (Christian humanitarianism and religious fundamentalism) on identification with all humanity and resulting humanitarian behavior. This research also tested two hypothetical models (personality is primary, religion is primary) for the relationship between identification with all humanity and resulting humanitarian behavior. Two samples, consisting of 221 students and 158 adults, completed measures of authoritarianism, religious fundamentalism, dispositional empathy, Christian humanitarianism, identification with all humanity, and an assessment of humanitarian behaviors. As hypothesized, Christian humanitarianism and empathy were positively correlated with identification with all humanity and humanitarian behavior. Furthermore, authoritarianism and religious fundamentalism were negatively correlated with identification with all humanity and humanitarian behavior. Results also suggest that religious views may lead to the strengthening of specific personality characteristics and these, in turn, influence whether or not one identifies with all humanity and engages in humanitarian behaviors. Directions for future research are discussed as well as the implications of this research to real-world settings.

This paper examines the relation between climate change discourse and freedom which is held both as a self-evident value and a vital attribute for modern democracy. I argue that the discourse refutes individual freedom. It does so both through the goals and ends it promotes as well as the solutions it puts forward to achieve them, in other words through means, in the areas of economy, rights and political organization which reduce choices and diminish space of action for individuals. It opens the path to authoritarian regimes and the like by disempowering people in the name of natural order. This and other anomalies within the discourse make it the opposite of what it pretends to be - a revolutionary one; at least, unless it solves the question of freedom that resembles human nature.

Över 6000 personer söker till de 900 lediga studieplatserna vid polishögskolan vid varje ansökningstillfälle. Urvalet för att tillsätta dessa platser är således stort. Kritik har dock riktats mot polisens urvalsprocess som har utpekats för inte tillräckligt kunna identifiera och gallra ut olämpliga individer med låg och bristfällig respekt och inställning till andra människor och olikheter. Syftet med föreliggande studie var att undersöka skillnader i fördomar mellan två grupper; sökande till, och studerande vid polishögskolan (N=84) och jämföra dessa med en ickepolisiär kontrollgrupp. Fördomarna mättes med tre moderna fördomsfullhetsskalor; rasism, sexism och fördomar mot homosexuella. Studien undersökte även undersökningsdeltagarnas personlighetstyper med Big-Five Inventory (BFI), Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) och Social Dominance Orientation (SDO). Inga skillnader mellan grupperna i fördomsfullhet hittades, dock visade sig kombinationen av BFI, RWA och SDO vara bra på att predicera fördomsfullhet. Resultaten diskuterades och polisutbildningens urvalsprocess uppmanas reflektera över införande av motsvarande personlighetstest.

<p>This dissertation examines fictional representations of Argentine and Spanish authoritarianism from the position of exiled, traumatized and/or marginalized subjects. Though the primary texts and films engage questions of terror, trauma and repression from the 1930s to 80s in Spain and Argentina they stand out from works made within these contexts (that is, works lacking spatial and/or temporal distance) by focusing on how and to what extent individual and collective rebirth can arise from the ashes of terror, exile and oblivion. On the one hand, these works explore the ways in which authoritarian terror and repression maintain and are maintained psychologically, historically and ideologically in these cultures by a series of artificial separations between self and other, fantasy and reality, history and fiction, female and male, desire and responsibility, the spiritual and material, plurality and unity, the past and the future. On the other hand, these works suggest that it is by confronting the repressed authoritarian past through pluralistic, fictional, "exilic" retellings that these binaries may be transcended and that identity, history and reality itself may be radically re-membered. </p><p>In effect, the capacity to "re-member", which is revealed to be essentially synonymous with the act of "rebirth", demands a confrontation with the past that is every bit as dependent on "fantastic retellings" of both reality and fiction as it is on history or reality--to the same degree, in fact, that the realization of the self is contingent on an encounter with radical alterity. The various forms of monstrosity, exile and ambiguity that coalesce within these films and texts not only enable this to happen, but they imply that the creation of the primary work depends as much on its audience as it does on its author. Accordingly, the ethical processes these works establish, through narrative layering, ambiguity and other techniques, occur not only within the films and texts but in the outer relationships and responses they elicit from their readers or viewers.</p><p>Thus, the processes of exile and rebirth that these works establish can only be fully appreciated in dialogue with their audiences (via a "narrative ethics"), with history and with theories ranging from feminism to mysticism to psychoanalysis (drawing on Jacques Lacan, Julia Kristeva, Carl Jung and Sigmund Freud) to ethical philosophers, in particular, Emmanuel Levinas. In my endeavor to stimulate this dialogue, in which I both build on and depart from these theories, I reveal how and why "exile" fiction has become such a crucial medium for refiguring "identity"--a term which itself becomes inseparable from spirituality. Accordingly, spirituality is not detached from reality or fantasy, but rather buried in the repressed identities and memories that, when exposed through the "monstrous ambiguities" of fiction, reveal an indestructible bond between self and other, desire and responsibility, fantasy and reality, among other dichotomies. </p><p>At the same time that these works offer positive models of spirituality, rebirth, and re-membering, they incisively critique the repressive ways in which religion and specifically, Christianity, have been manipulated, in conjunction with authoritarian paradigms, to terrifying, repressive, "sacrificial" ends. More generally, all of these works, notwithstanding their "timeless" and exilic dimensions, represent pivotal moments in Spanish and Argentine history while at the same time revealing innate links or analogies between authoritarianism and religious doctrine. On the other hand, the timeless, placeless, exilic nature of these works helps shed light on the growing and global importance of exile film and literature as well as the correspondingly great and ever-growing need to re-examine the lost, buried and terrifying past that they re-member.</p> / Dissertation

With increasing of economic scale, demography change, and life style improvement enhancement, the importance of civic education has been emphasized based on public issue aspect. It is essential for military training instructor to face the challenge to be more professional or make a transform for better change. The aim of the study is develop solutions for military training instructor to deal with the challenge of renew military class and civic education. Instead of image of authority, military training instructor should also learn how to empower self-concept and role function and obtain concurrence from both the students and society. The study participants were 600 individual who were recruited in the trial. The primary data for this study were obtained from random samples, conducted in three medical management junior colleges in the southwest Taiwan. Total 600 questionnaires were equally divided to three medical management junior colleges The gender was spilt by 134 male (23.7%) and 431 female (76.3%).Valid 565 responses for questionnaires for this program were from 600 students for a response rate of 94.2%. To investigate the issues of civic education and military class, the survey included sociodemographic measures and the concepts of cognition, emotion and affection, and behavior. Statistical analyses were performed by SPSS, Version11.5 statistic software, using frequency distribution, chi-square test, t-test, and crosstable analysis. Significance was accepted at the 0.05 level (two-tailed). Conclusions¡G 1.The investigation of the concept of cognition show that overall 41.6% of students acknowledged the background and history of military class. The majority of students (72.3%) would agree the roles function of military training instructor . 2.The investigation of the concept of emotion and affection showed that the majority of students (66.7%) agreed that military training instructors would assist student for medical assistances and accident management. However, overall 32.2% of students agreed that military training instructors have sufficient affiliations to keep a good relationship with students, because military training instructors were still lake of ability of consulting and stayed in the image of rectifying deviant behaviors. 3.The investigation of the concept of behavior showed that even the image of authority is so strong, only few students obtained strong influence from military training instructors in democracy (35.0%), personality empowerment (38.2%), and patriotism (32.2%) from military class. Suggestions¡G 1.To decrease loading of military training instructor by promoting effectiveness of civic education in the class. 2.The interaction between military training instructor and students should be more involved with expectation, appreciation, and forgiveness. 3.It is essential for military training instructor to empower in specialty of military and civic education to deal with the challenge of new century civic education.